Background: Breastfeeding and weaning are strongly connected with infant–mother mutual autonomy, and hence are good touchstones to examine the characteristics of the mother–child relationship. Comparison of the weaning practice gives a framework to understand characteristics of the mother–infant relationship. Objective: The purpose of this study was to compare three industrialised countries concerning the relationship between feeding and weaning practices and its reasons, mother's perception of child care, and of breast milk and formula. Methods: A questionnaire study on weaning practice was conducted for 310 Japanese, 756 French, and 222 American mothers with 4- to 20-month-old infants. Results: French mothers expected and had accomplished weaning at an earlier age of the infant, compared to Japanese and American mothers. Perceived insufficiency of breast milk was the leading reason for the termination of breastfeeding for Japanese mothers at the earlier stages, whereas back to work was the more important reason for French mothers. Japanese mothers were more negative in their image of themselves as mothers, whereas French mothers felt more burdened by child-care. Japanese mothers who terminated breastfeeding because of perceived breast milk insufficiency were also those who were less motivated to breastfeed. Conclusion: Weaning is a significant framework to interpret cultural differences in mother–infant relationship. The perceived insufficiency is interpreted as a solution of conflict between the social pressure to breastfeed and its burden.

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Behaviours of seven Japanese mother-infant dyads during daytime feeding of both milk and solids were observed longitudinally to the middle of the second year. The first 3 months were a period of exclusive milk-feeding largely uninterrupted by mother-infant social interaction. In the following 6 months there was increasing mother-infant communicative interaction during milk-feeding and the mother began attempts to feed solids. After 8 months, weaning was promoted by reduction in some types of interaction during milk-feeding, and increased rejection by the infant of passive feeding as self-feeding of solids increased. Self-feeding was at first mainly by hand, and later with tools. A positive correlation was found between hand-feeding at 12-14 months and active physical stimulation of the infant by the mother during milk-feeding in the first year. Self-feeding of solids with tools increased significantly after 1% years, and the mother supported this development. The mother showed non-intentional eating-like mouth movement at the moment infants ate (empathetic behaviour), and this behaviour peaked in the latter half of the first year and decreased thereafter. The development of independence or autonomy in feeding was a mutual or cooperative process between mother and infant, and was initiated by the infant rather than imposed by the mother.Key words: Weaning, milk-feeding, solid-feeding, empathetic behaviour, rejection, autonomy.Mammalian offspring are at first nutritionally dependent on their mother's milk. According to a sociobiological hypothesis, weaning is the process of reducing this dependency, and hence reducing the mother's 'biological burden'. This would suggest that it is she who takes the initiative.*Address for correspondence: Koichi Negayama, Food Science Department, Mukogawa Women's University, 6-46 Ikebiraki, Nishinomiya, Hyogo 663, Japan Thus Trivers (1974) concluded that disagreement on the time of weaning between mothers and offspring causes conflict. The source of nutrition for young mammals normally begins with breast milk then solids are introduced, and the process of weaning is most simply described as a shift between the two kinds of food, one produced by the mother and the other not. Altmann (1980) explained weaning of baboon offspring as a consequence of conflict between the offspring's nutritional demand and the mother's capacity to fulfil it.

This study examines the early development of cultural differences in a simple, embodied, and intersubjective engagement between mothers putting down, picking up, and carrying their infants between Japan and Scotland. Eleven Japanese and ten Scottish mothers with their 6- and then 9-month-old infants participated. Video and motion analyses were employed to measure motor patterns of the mothers’ approach to their infants, as well as their infants’ collaborative responses during put-down, pick-up, and carry phases. Japanese and Scottish mothers approached their infants with different styles and their infants responded differently to the short duration of separation during the trial. A greeting-like behavior of the arms and hands was prevalent in the Scottish mothers’ approach, but not in the Japanese mothers’ approach. Japanese mothers typically kneeled before making the final reach to pick-up their children, giving a closer, apparently gentler final approach of the torso than Scottish mothers, who bent at the waist with larger movements of the torso. Measures of the gap closure between the mothers’ hands to their infants’ heads revealed variably longer duration and distance gap closures with greater velocity by the Scottish mothers than by the Japanese mothers. Further, the sequence of Japanese mothers’ body actions on approach, contact, pick-up, and hold was more coordinated at 6 months than at 9 months. Scottish mothers were generally more variable on approach. Measures of infant participation and expressivity indicate more active participation in the negotiation during the separation and pick-up phases by Scottish infants. Thus, this paper demonstrates a culturally different onset of development of joint attention in pick-up. These differences reflect cultures of everyday interaction.

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