The objective of this study was to segment a general population based on their personal values, and then compare the resulting value-based segments in terms of their tourism behaviour. Subsequently, a representative sample (N = 1000) of the Norwegian population was first, through a cluster analysis, divided into four distinct segments by personal values. These segments were labelled as traditional idealists, modern idealists, traditional materialists, and modern materialists. The four segments were then, through a MANOVA, compared based on tourism behaviour (i.e. a set of push and pull travel motives, and a set of travel activity preferences). The results indicated that the segments statistically differed. For instance, the idealists (both traditional and modern) considered hedonistic travel motives more important than the materialists (both traditional and modern). Theoretical and practical implications are also provided.
The purpose of this article is to study patterns of relative class voting in Norwegian Storting (parliament) elections in the period 1957 to 1989 as they appear in the Norwegian Election Studies. The study is based on seven social classes simulating the Erikson and Goldthorpe class schema. To represent the Norwegian multi-party system, three different aggregations into two-, three- and four-party groups are used, although the final analysis is confined to the three-category version (Socialist, Centre, Conservative). A multi layered topological model with eight class voting parameters was developed to allow for a disaggregated analysis of trends. Although the changes in the parameters are not consistent, the overall picture is that of a decline in relative class voting.
Despite their reputation as the home of a highly developed form of class politics, the first of two Scandinavian case studies examines trends in relative class voting in Norwegian Storting elections from 1957 to 1988 and shows that there was a decline in levels of class voting in the 1960s. Ironically, perhaps, the reason for this change would appear to be the political success of class politics, in which universalistic welfare provision legislation—in part a response to the strength of the working class movement—led to an erosion of middle class opposition to welfarism.
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