In the United States, associations between attained education and adult health typically are larger for those from disadvantaged childhood backgrounds. However, it remains unclear how specific key childhood indicators contribute to these adult health patterns, especially outside the United States. Drawing on the 2014 European Social Survey (20 countries; N=31544), we investigate the key childhood and adolescent indicators of parental education, childhood financial strain, and any serious household conflict growing up, given how these early exposures are known to correlate strongly with both educational attainment and adult health. In regressions with country fixed effects, we find across Europe that higher levels of education are more strongly linked to lessened adult depressive symptoms when childhood disadvantage is present in terms of lower levels of parental education or higher childhood financial strain specifically. However, adjusted predictions reveal that childhood financial strain contributes to this heterogeneity in educational returns far more strongly than parental education. For self-rated health, only childhood financial strain enhances estimated educational health benefits when considering all key childhood social and economic factors jointly. Similarly, childhood financial strain in particular enhances educational protection against overall rates of disease in adulthood. Overall, our findings support prior work on United States data revealing higher educational health returns given childhood disadvantage. At the same time, our findings across three distinct adult health indicators suggest the particular importance of childhood financial strain to understanding heterogeneity in educational health returns.
This study examines the extent to which confessional identities in Lebanon are responsible for shaping individual views toward their government. Specifically, I investigate disparities between religious groups in their perceptions of democracy and democratic principles as applied in Lebanon. Using nationally representative data from the Arab Barometer's survey of Lebanon, I find that when compared to Maronite Catholics, Druze, and Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims consistently give higher evaluations of the democratic condition of Lebanon. When compared to members of other religious groups, Shia Muslims are also more trusting of government institutions and perceive Lebanon to be freer. I find little evidence that the application of consociational theory equally and proportionally represents the political needs of the religious groups intended to be served. Rather, my findings reveal religious disparities in evaluations of democracy and political institutions in Lebanon, supporting critics of consociationalism who argue that consociationalism essentializes group-identity to political disputes.
Religious communities can encourage generosity toward strangers. In these communities, such norms are high among religious individuals and nonadherents. It remains unclear how these norms inform policy. Recent refugee crises provide critical tests of how charitable values translate into political preferences. As Europe experiences turmoil over the acceptance and integration of Muslim refugees, I ask how religion affects preferences regarding refugee admissions. I find that marginalized religious groups among new immigrants offer the highest levels of support for admitting refugees. Catholics are more restrictive than religious nones regarding policy preferences, while there are mixed results comparing nones to other Christian denominations. However, for Catholics and most other Christians, generous policy preferences increase with higher rates of religious service attendance. Respondents offer more generous policy preferences in regions with higher rates of Protestant and Catholic affiliation and in nations with higher Protestant affiliation. Restrictive preferences increase with regional and national percent unaffiliated.
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