This paper systematises knowledge of public participation by bringing together existing concepts and theories from planning literature to conceptualise the 3A 3 -framework of participation. The framework presents participation as an emergent phenomenon, shaped by the dimensions: actors, arenas and aims. Each of these dimensions consists of three interacting elements. The framework highlights interdependencies between these elements and reflects them in the light of their embeddedness in planning processes and the wider social, cultural, political, spatial and temporal context. The framework can be used to gain a better understanding of what constitutes the phenomenon of participation. It enables the reflection of different forms of participation and contributes to more nuanced, and context-sensitive conceptions of and approaches to public participation in planning.
Dense and compact cities yield several benefits for both the population and the environment, including the containment of urban sprawl, reduced carbon emissions, and increased housing supply. Densification of the built environment is thus a key contemporary urban planning paradigm worldwide. However, local residents often oppose urban densification, motivating a need to understand their underlying concerns. In order to do so, we examined different factors driving public acceptance of housing densification projects through a combination of a conjoint survey experiment and different proximity frames among 12,402 participants across Berlin, Chicago, London, Los Angeles, New York, and Paris. Respondents compared housing densification projects with varying attributes, including their geographic proximity, project-related factors, and accompanying planning instruments. The results indicate that the acceptance of such projects decreases with project proximity and that project-related factors, such as the type of investor, usage, and climate goals, impact densification project acceptance. More specifically, we see a negative effect on acceptance levels for projects with for-profit investors and a positive effect when the suggested developments are mixed use or climate neutral. In addition, planning instruments, such as rent control, inclusionary zoning, and participatory planning, appear to positively influence acceptance. Interestingly, a cross-continental comparison shows overall higher acceptance levels of densification by US respondents. These multifaceted results allow us to better understand what drives people's acceptance of housing projects and how projects and planning processes can be designed to increase democratic acceptance of urban densification.
Cities have emerged as policy actors of global relevance in sustainable development, and their strengthened position challenges the primacy of national states in this area. To account for this shift and for potential emerging contestations between cities and national states, we propose a framework to understand national–urban relations in sustainable development policy-making. Based on a selection of twelve case study vignettes from European cities, we identify and discuss four ideal types of urban sustainable development policy, which are classified depending on their congruence with the national policy agenda and the scale of the issue at hand. Building on this typology, we reflect on positioning strategies that cities can develop to support, promote or defend these policies. We argue that accounting for these different positioning strategies is important for understanding how cities seek to put specifically urban takes of sustainable development on global agendas.
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