The paper is based on a multi-interview qualitative study of whole family groups. The sample comprised a randomly selected group of home-owning, middle-class couples, each with two children. It was hypothesised that, by virtue of their socioeconomic circumstances, such a group would be likely to have a positive view of health; to be receptive to health education messages; to be less likely to engage in health-damaging behaviour; and to have sufficient material resources to provide an environment conducive to health promoting practices. The study aimed to understand health-related beliefs and behaviours within the social contexts of everyday domestic and work life. It was evident that knowledge about health was not necessarily translated into behavioural practices, even in a health promoting environment. Differences also existed between respondents' initial accounts of their 'usual' behaviours and the detailed descriptions of their daily lives obtained in later interviews. A concem for good health was simply one amongst many competing sets of priorities which affect daily behaviours. Choices amongst such priorities often included wider social and moral evaluations. This paper focuses on the role of such evaluations in respondents' accounts of health; in their everyday health-relevant decisions; and in interactions between family members.

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THIS paper reports the methods and some findings from a study of young children's health-related beliefs and behaviours. The 52 children, aged four to 12 years, are the offspring of a sample of middle-class couples who participated in an in-depth multi-inter view qualitative study: "The social context of the development of health-related beliefs and behav iours, with special reference to the family". The field- work for both of these studies was carried out in Edinburgh from 1987 to 1989. After completion of their parents' study, the children were interviewed privately at home using a variety of innovative meth odological techniques appropriate to their ages. Each mode of questioning elicited different kinds of responses which, taken as a whole, illustrated: that children give both "public" and "private" accounts of health and illness; can hold apparently inconsist ent views about health simultaneously; often show limited knowledge or understanding of parents' health-related behaviours; and may reveal weak links between health-related attitudes and beliefs and behavioural practices.

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