Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by RICE UNIVERSITY For Authors:If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service. Information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information. About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.comWith over forty years' experience, Emerald Group Publishing is a leading independent publisher of global research with impact in business, society, public policy and education. In total, Emerald publishes over 275 journals and more than 130 book series, as well as an extensive range of online products and services. Emerald is both COUNTER 3 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive preservation. AbstractPurpose -The purpose of this paper is to examine persuasion and personality variables as predictors of entrepreneurial intention in a cross-cultural sample. Design/methodology/approach -Undergraduates in the USA and the Republic of Ireland completed measures of personal efficacy, achievement motivation, ambiguity tolerance, attitudes toward entrepreneurship, and entrepreneurial intention. Findings -The results suggest that the decision to become an entrepreneur comes about differently in different cultures. US participants appear to perceive entrepreneurship as a societally sanctioned and appropriate outlet for their achievement motivation. While achievement motivation correlated with entrepreneurial intention for the US participants, this result did not obtain for the Irish subjects. In both cultures, those who have come to believe that being an entrepreneur is consistent with their self-image showed strong entrepreneurial intention independent of their other beliefs about entrepreneurship. This study suggests that recollections of positive interpersonal and mass media messages about entrepreneurship encourage entrepreneurial intention -but only for US participants. Other factors discussed in this report appear to mitigate the effect of such recollections for the Irish. Research limitations/implications -This study is part of a larger research program that includes following up on these participants at a later date. With longitudinal data, we will be able to track the relationship between stated entrepreneurial intention and later business startup. Originality/value -This investigation compares factors influencing entrepreneurial intention in the USA and Ireland.
Some interpersonal messages are reported to be remembered for a long time and to haoe a profound influence on a person's life.During the course of a single day, hundreds of verbal messages are directed to us in face-to-face encounters for evaluation and response; during one's lifetime the quantity of interpersonal messages processed must be staggering. Most of these messages have a relatively short life; they are processed, responded to, and forgotten. Yet, there seem to be a few verbal messages which may be remembered for extremely long periods of time and which people perceive as a major influence on the course of their lives.One such message for naval officer and eventual President of the United States, Jimmy Carter, was later used as the title for his autobiography, Why Not the Best? (6, preface). During an interview with Admiral Rickover for a position in the nuclear submarine program, Rickover asked Carter if he did his best while at the Naval Academy. After Carter admitted that he did not always do his best, Rickover asked, "Why not?" According to Carter, this was a question he was "never able to forget" and became a rule for him to live by. Another example involves noted therapist Carl Rogers, who recounted a memorable and influential episode which took place while he was a student discussing the learning and use of facts with a professor of agronomy. The professor reportedly said, "Don't be a damned ammunition wagon; be a rifle" (27, chapter 1).
We challenge the intellectual separation of interpersonal and mass media communication, arguing that this division of communication research rests primarily on grounds of historical convenience and university politics. There is little theoretical justification for the dichotomous division of our field, yet we provide evidence that communication scholars seldom cross-cite research articles between the two subdisciplines, rarely attend scientific conferences in ways that span this distinction, and often are segregated in separate university departments. The intellectual costs of this division are discussed, and possible means of furthering intellectual exchange between the two subdisciplines are discussed.eople make sense of their world by categorizing experiences. Categories help predict future events and impose some P degree of order on one's environment. Each event serves to reinforce existing categories or else to challenge their utility. Thus categories are retained only so long as they defeat the challenges of contradictory events or remain insulated from them. However, there is a tendency for categories, once formed and found to be efficacious, to persist in use even when the earlier situation of utility has changed. o 1988 International Communication Association 284 Reardon, Rogers / A FALSE DICHOTOMY 285 were the mass media and the rise of the scholarly field of mass communication. Robert E. Park's (1922) monograph, The Immigrant Press andlts Control, dealt with the role of foreign language newspapers in the United States. The work of during the 1930s through the 1940s also had a considerable impact on the study of both mass and interpersonal communication (Rogers, 1986, pp. 96-97).Shortly after World War 11, a crucial intellectual development occurred in the field of communication that affected the future study of both interpersonal and mass media communication. Shannon and Weaver (1949, pp. 7-8) developed a simple model of communication that was adopted enthusiastically by communication scholars.Shannon and Weaver's model was adopted to explain a variety of communication behaviors. It encouraged a feeling of universality among communication scholars, even though they studied different types of channels (interpersonal or mass media). The model also standardized the terminology of basic communication concepts, so that all communication scientists began to talk of feedback, noise, and receivers (Rogers, 1986, pp. 85-91).Along with the benefits of the model, however, came certain problems. Researchers tended to buy into an image of communication as linear and unidirectional, which was a good fit with the one-way nature of the mass media (newspapers, radio, television) that many communication scholars were studying in the 1950s. Feedback and other dynamic aspects of Shannon and Weaver's model were deemphasized and eventually dropped. Later decades of research mainly focused on effects caused by sources sending messages via interpersonal or mass media channels. Lasswell's (1948, pp. 37-51) "Who said what to wh...
Three studies explored the coping benefits and limitations of stories people hear about others undergoing similar stressful events. In Study One, cancer patients reported that positive stories about other patients were preferable to and more helpful than negative stories, yet negative stories were more commonly told. Study Two manipulated the valence and source of stories told to college students facing midterm exams. Stories with positive endings and those relayed by expert sources were regarded more positively than negative stories and those told by nonexperts. Study Three manipulated the valence and informativeness of stories in a similar college sample. Positive and informative stories were rated more favorably, although these effects were independent of each other. Implications for social comparison and social support are discussed.
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