Face-to-face speech data collection has been next to impossible globally as a result of the COVID-19 restrictions. To address this problem, simultaneous recordings of three repetitions of the cardinal vowels were made using a Zoom H6 Handy Recorder with an external microphone (henceforth, H6) and compared with two alternatives accessible to potential participants at home: the Zoom meeting application (henceforth, Zoom) and two lossless mobile phone applications (Awesome Voice Recorder, and Recorder; henceforth, Phone). F0 was tracked accurately by all of the devices; however, for formant analysis (F1, F2, F3), Phone performed better than Zoom, i.e., more similarly to H6, although the data extraction method (VoiceSauce, Praat) also resulted in differences. In addition, Zoom recordings exhibited unexpected drops in intensity. The results suggest that lossless format phone recordings present a viable option for at least some phonetic studies. V

Cross-linguistically, segments typically lengthen because of proximity to prosodic events such as intonational phrase or phonological phrase boundaries, a phrasal accent, or due to lexical stress. Australian Indigenous languages have been claimed to operate somewhat differently in terms of prosodically conditioned consonant lengthening and strengthening. Consonants have been found to lengthen after a vowel bearing a phrasal pitch accent. It is further claimed that this post-tonic position is a position of prosodic strength in Australian languages. In this study, we investigate the effects of proximity to a phrasal pitch accent and prosodic constituent boundaries on the duration of stop and nasal consonants in words of varying lengths in Djambarrpuyŋu, an Australian Indigenous language spoken in northeast Arnhem Land, Northern Territory, Australia. Our results suggest that the post-tonic consonant position does not condition longer consonant duration compared with other word-medial consonants, with one exception: Intervocalic post-tonic consonants in disyllabic words are significantly longer than word-medial consonants elsewhere. Therefore, it appears that polysyllabic shortening has a strong effect on segment duration in these data. Word-initial position did not condition longer consonant duration than word-medial position. Further, initial consonants in higher-level prosodic domains had shorter consonant duration compared with domain-medial word-initial consonants. By contrast, domain-final lengthening was observed in our data, with word-final nasals preceding a pause found to be significantly longer than all other consonants. Taken together, these findings for Djambarrpuyŋu suggest that, unlike other Australian languages, post-tonic lengthening is not a cue to prosodic prominence, whereas prosodic domain-initial and -final duration patterns of consonants are like those that have been observed in other languages of the world.

Speech production data collection has been significantly impacted by COVID-19 restrictions. Sound-treated recording spaces and high-quality recording devices are inaccessible, and face-to-face interactions are limited. We investigated alternative recording methods that produce data suitable for phonetic analysis, and are accessible to people in their homes. We examined simultaneous recordings of pure tones at seven frequencies (50 Hz, every 100 Hz between 100 Hz and 600 Hz), and three repetitions of the primary cardinal vowels elicited from five trained speakers. Recordings were made using the ZOOM meeting application and non-lossy format smartphone applications (Awesome Voice Recorder, Recorder), comparing these with Zoom H6N reference recordings. F0, F1-5, and duration based on manual segmentation were measured. F0 is highly correlated between the three devices for vowels and tones. Lower formants are also significantly correlated though not as robustly. The upper formants showed more variation as reported in the literature. Both phone and ZOOM performed better for vowels than tones. Phone segmentation generated reliable duration values differing from H6N segmentation by ∼18 ms. However, irregular waveforms and filtering algorithm artefacts caused considerable differences for ZOOM (∼119 ms). Our preliminary study suggests phone recordings are a viable option for some phonetic studies (e.g., prosody). Future analysis of natural speech data will prove insightful.

We examined individual and task-related variability in the realization of Greek nuclear H* followed by L-L% edge tones. The accents (N = 748) were elicited from native speakers of Greek, producing scripted and unscripted speech, and examined using functional Principal Components Analysis. The accented vowel onset was used for landmark registration to capture accent shape and the alignment of the fall. The resulting PCs were analysed using LMEMs (fixed factors: speaker; task type (scripted, unscripted); accented syllable distance from the analysis window offset, to examine the effects of tonal crowding). Tonal scaling and the steepness of the fall (reflected in PC1 and PC2 respectively) changed by task in ways that differed across speakers. PC3, which captured accent shape, also varied by speaker, reflecting shape differences between a rise-fall and (the expected) plateau-plus-fall realization. Tonal crowding did not have consistent effects. In short, the overall accent shape and the alignment of the accentual fall varied by speaker and task. These results hint at substantial variability in tonal realization. At the same time, they indicate that tonal alignment is not as consistent as is sometimes portrayed and thus it should not be the sole criterion for tone categorization.