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Human infants are predisposed to rapidly acquire their native language. The nature of these predispositions is poorly understood, but is crucial to our understanding of how infants unpack their speech input to recover the fundamental word-like units, assign them referential roles, and acquire the rules that govern their organization. Previous researchers have demonstrated the role of general distributional computations in prelinguistic infants' parsing of continuous speech. We extend these findings to more naturalistic conditions, and find that 6-mo-old infants can simultaneously segment a nonce auditory word form from prosodically organized continuous speech and associate it to a visual referent. Crucially, however, this mapping occurs only when the word form is aligned with a prosodic phrase boundary. Our findings suggest that infants are predisposed very early in life to hypothesize that words are aligned with prosodic phrase boundaries, thus facilitating the word learning process. Further, and somewhat paradoxically, we observed successful learning in a more complex context than previously studied, suggesting that learning is enhanced when the language input is well matched to the learner's expectations.A cquiring a language includes learning mappings from sounds (or signs) to meanings. However, words-the principle units of meaning-are not given directly in the input, but are embedded in a speech signal whose structure is governed by grammatical processes operating at multiple levels. One of the primary steps in language acquisition, therefore, is to discover the sound sequences that define words. However, as any adult confronted with a foreign language can attest, it is hard to perceive unfamiliar speech as sequences of words. Additionally, the language learner must also discover what the words refer to, a particularly tricky problem given the innumerable possible referential features in the world (1, 2). Nevertheless, by 6 mo of age, infants have spontaneously extracted and begun to understand their first words, including highly frequent items such as "no", "Mommy", and the child's own name (3).Here we provide evidence that 6-mo-olds can rapidly extract a statistically defined, novel auditory word form from running speech and simultaneously map it onto a visual referent in an array of objects. Moreover, we find this dual process of word segmentation and referent mapping only when the statistically defined words are aligned with phrasal prosodic constituents, a universal structural property of natural languages. These findings build on three key results from past research: (i) 7-to 8-mo-old infants can extract statistically defined syllable sequences from fluent speech as candidate auditory word forms (4, 5), (ii) by 14 mo, infants can reliably map isolated auditory word forms onto visual referents (6-8), and (iii) by 17 mo, toddlers can extract auditory word forms on the basis of syllable statistics and subsequently map them onto candidate visual referents (9). We demonstrate all of these behaviors simulta...

Word recognition is a balancing act: listeners must be sensitive to phonetic detail to avoid confusing similar words, yet, at the same time, be flexible enough to adapt to phonetically variable pronunciations, such as those produced by speakers of different dialects or by non-native speakers. Recent work has demonstrated that young toddlers are sensitive to phonetic detail during word recognition; pronunciations that deviate from the typical phonological form lead to a disruption of processing. However, it is not known whether young word learners show the flexibility that is characteristic of adult word recognition. The present study explores whether toddlers can adapt to artificial accents in which there is a vowel category shift with respect to the native language. 18-20-month-olds heard mispronunciations of familiar words (e.g., vowels were shifted from [a] to [ae]: "dog" pronounced as "dag"). In test, toddlers were tolerant of mispronunciations if they had recently been exposed to the same vowel shift, but not if they had been exposed to standard pronunciations or other vowel shifts. The effects extended beyond particular items heard in exposure to words sharing the same vowels. These results indicate that, like adults, toddlers show flexibility in their interpretation of phonological detail. Moreover, they suggest that effects of topdown knowledge on the reinterpretation of phonological detail generalize across the phono-lexical system.

Infants under six months are able to discriminate native and non-native consonant contrasts equally well, but as they learn the phonological systems of their native language, this ability declines. Current explanations of this phenomenon agree that the decline in discrimination ability is linked to the formation of native-language phonemic categories. The goal of this study was to evaluate the role of input statistics in learning these categories: our hypothesis was that relative frequency is a determinant of the relative order in which categories are acquired. English-learning infants of two age groups (6.5 months and 8.5 months) were tested on their ability to discriminate non-native consonant contrasts using the Conditioned Head Turn Procedure. As predicted, older infants were worse in their performance on the more frequent coronal stop contrast than on the less frequent dorsal stop contrast. In contrast, 6.5-month-olds discriminated both contrasts equally well. An adult control group tested with an AX task also discriminated both contrasts equally. These results provide preliminary confirmation of the hypothesis that frequency plays an important role in tuning of phonological systems to properties of the native language. A simple attractor model suffices to account for these and previous results on loss of discrimination of non-native-language contrasts and suggests that the technique of measuring graded loss of multiple contrasts, in combination with observation of input frequencies, can offer a powerful method of assessing infants' phonological representations.

Infants begin to segment words from fluent speech during the same time period that they learn phonetic categories. Segmented words can provide a potentially useful cue for phonetic learning, yet accounts of phonetic category acquisition typically ignore the contexts in which sounds appear. We present two experiments to show that, contrary to the assumption that phonetic learning occurs in isolation, learners are sensitive to the words in which sounds appear and can use this information to constrain their interpretation of phonetic variability. Experiment 1 shows that adults use word-level information in a phonetic category learning task, assigning acoustically similar vowels to different categories more often when those sounds consistently appear in different words. Experiment 2 demonstrates that eight-month-old infants similarly pay attention to word-level information and that this information affects how they treat phonetic contrasts. These findings suggest that phonetic category learning is a rich, interactive process that takes advantage of many different types of cues that are present in the input.

The ability to infer the referential intentions of speakers is a crucial part of learning a language. Previous research has uncovered various contextual and social cues that children may use to do this. Here we provide the first evidence that children also use speech disfluencies to infer speaker intention. Disfluencies (e.g. filled pauses ‘uh’ and ‘um’) occur in predictable locations, such as before infrequent or discourse-new words. We conducted an eye-tracking study to investigate whether young children can make use of this distributional information in order to predict a speaker’s intended referent. Our results reveal that young children (ages 2;4 to 2;8) reliably attend to speech disfluencies early in lexical development and are able to use the disfluencies in online comprehension to infer speaker intention in advance of object labeling. Our results from two groups of younger children (ages 1;8 to 2;2 and 1;4 to 1;8) suggest that this ability emerges around age 2.

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