The European Union is seen to operate at the international level by promoting ideas and values, rather than by exerting military or economic power. As a gender actor, the EU has played a key role in the development of formal equality, which is presented as a foundational principle of European integration. It therefore follows that normative power Europe should seek to promote these values in external affairs. This article interrogates the role of the EU as a normative gender actor in relation to its implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, set out in UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and related resolutions. Documentary analysis will be supplemented by a detailed assessment of speeches and public statements about the role of the EU as a gender actor in external affairs. This data will be used to assess whether there is a disjuncture between the dominant narrative about gender equality as a fundamental value of the EU and the actions of the organization. It will also allow us to assess whether gender mainstreaming is a tool for public diplomacy or has made a significant change to the way the external relations agenda is formulated and implemented. Additionally, the article will draw attention to the institutional obstacles to the EU performing a role as a gender actor in external affairs. It identifies a critical tension between framing the WPS resolutions as an extension of the EU's equality on the one hand, and understanding that gender mainstreaming is a mere policy tool in international affairs. In doing so, it highlights how competing institutional demands can ultimately undermine core values (e.g. equality) when they are used instrumentally

Despite equality being considered one of the key normative foundations of the EU, gender has not yet been mainstreamed within the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). This article investigates the impact of institutional structures on the inclusion of a gender dimension in this policy area. The article engages with the concept of feminist triangles to unpack the role of actors and processes; specifically, highlighting key innovations and missed opportunities to integrate gender into CSDP. Focusing in particular on femocrats, the article argues that for gender mainstreaming to take place, the office of the Gender Advisor needs to bridge the division between the military and civilian dimension of CSDP. It concludes that CSDP remains largely gender blind in spite of the EU's adoption of an action plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security.

This intervention focuses on the impact of the global crisis resulting from the COVID‐19 pandemic on existing racialized and gendered inequalities within the academy and in particular our discipline of Politics and International Relations. We argue that responses to recent crises within the academy have exacerbated ontological insecurity among minoritized groups, including women. When coupled with increased caring responsibilities, the current crises call into question who can be creative and innovative, necessary conditions for knowledge production. While university managers seek to reassure university staff of the temporary nature of COVID‐19 interventions, we argue that the possibilities for progressive leaps at a later state of institutional regeneration is unlikely when efforts to address structural inequalities are sidelined and crisis responses are undertaken which run counter to such work.

International security institutions play a pivotal role in the realisation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda through their adoption and implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325. This article examines NATO’s adoption of UNSCR 1325, drawing upon Cynthia Enloe’s conception of NATO as a ‘teaching machine’ disseminating lessons on gender. In doing so, it finds UNSCR 1325 has been understood to be of ‘added-value’ to the Alliance in two respects: first, to support NATO’s long-established agenda to increase the representation of women in NATO forces; second, as a tool to increase operational effectiveness. I find that NATO’s adoption of UNSCR 1325 emerged as part of a counter discourse. The fact that this counter discourse was put forward by partner states challenges dominant understandings of the direction of policy dissemination within NATO. This case provides salient lessons on the opportunities for – and hindrances to – change through the pursuit of a feminist agenda within an international security institution.

This article analyses Australian media portrayals of former Australian Prime MinisterJulia GillardÕs Ôsexism and misogynyÕ speech to parliament in October 2012. Our analysis reveals that coverage of the speech comprised three principal gendered framings: strategic attack, uncontrolled emotional outpouring, and hypocrisy. We argue that these framings demonstrate the role the media plays as a gendered mediator, perpetuating the double gender bind that constrains women political leaders, as they negotiate the demand to demonstrate masculine leadership attributes without tarnishing the feminine qualities expected of them. In this instance, gendered media framings: limited the saliency of GillardÕs speech; curtailed calls for wider introspection on Australian political culture; and further disassociated women from political leadership.2