and why I think it's a concept that deserves broader attention from the profession as a framework for discussing shifts in practice and values.My initial thoughts on Archives 2.0 were influenced by the Library 2.0 phenomenon.1 2 Note that although I used Library 2.0 as an inspiration for my conception of Archives 2.0, I associate a broader group of changes with Archives 2.0 than the library world does with Library 2.0. Like other uses of "2.0," Library 2.0 harkens back to the system used by software developers to signify new versions of software-that is, by assigning a new whole number (rather than using, say, 1.8 or 1.9), the developers signal that a software release has significant changes and differences. Therefore, terms like Web 2.0, Library 2.0, and Archives 2.0 refer to new "versions" of a concept.I had the opportunity to restate and condense my vision of this new "version" in my introductory remarks for the session "The Real Archives 2.0: Studies of Use, Views, and Potential for Web 2.0" at the SAA Annual Meeting in 2009. 3 In that session, I argued that Archives 2.0 is a useful concept for characterizing the systemic and interrelated changes already well underway in the archival world. Many people use "Archives 2.0" to refer to the implementation of Web 2.0 tools in archives, such as launching wikis and blogs, contributing digitized content to social media sites such as Flickr and YouTube, and communicating with users through Facebook, Twitter, and other social networks. Certainly taking advantage of Web 2.0 opportunities is one aspect of the changes underway in the profession, but it is by no means the only driver-or result-of these changes. I have two purposes in presenting a case for a broader meaning for Archives 2.0: first, to establish a common usage for the term, and second, to begin a conversation about the broader range of changes underway in the profession, which include, but are not limited to, the use of Web 2.0 and social media tools. D e f i n i n g A r c h i v e s 2 . 0At the 2009 SAA Annual Meeting, I needed a brief definition of Archives 2.0 and so developed a short list of what Archives 2.0 is not. Included in that list is that Archives 2.0 is not "something in the future." It's also not "a passing fad," "just Archives + Web 2.0," or "just for 'tech people.' " 4 1 2 Michael Casey is credited with coining the term "Library 2.0" on his LibraryCrunch blog in 2005. For a good introduction to the topic, see Michael E. Casey and Laura C.

Psychological distress, including depression and anxiety, has been associated with increased risk for sexual revictimization in youth who have experienced child sexual abuse. The present study utilized assessment information from treatment seeking youth with histories of sexual abuse to explore specific risk indicators for revictimization—risk taking, social problems, maladaptive cognitions, and posttraumatic stress—that may be indicated by self-reported distress. The relationship between initial levels of distress and change in symptoms over a 12-week course of treatment was also explored. Participants were 101 youth referred to a child-focused therapeutic group for victims of sexual abuse, 65 youth referred to an adolescent-focused group, and their non-offending caregivers. Results revealed that when combined into a distress score, depression and anxiety were associated with delinquent behaviors, interpersonal difficulties, maladaptive cognitions, and posttraumatic stress symptoms for child and adolescent group participants at presentation to treatment. Children exhibited improvement on measures of interpersonal difficulties, maladaptive cognitions, and self-reported posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. Adolescents exhibited less change over time, with significant improvement on self-reported social problems and PTSD only. Higher psychological distress was associated with less improvement in regard to negative expectations of abuse impact for child group participants. The findings suggest that distress indicates the presence of specific revictimization risk indicators, helping to identify targetable symptoms for intervention. Therefore, screening for psychological distress after discovery of sexual abuse may help detect youth at higher risk for revictimization and guide treatment.

Mental health treatment is a critical part of an effective and compassionate response to the disclosure of child sexual abuse (CSA). Given the vast negative consequences for children and families following CSA, engagement in treatment can benefit youth and their non-offending caregivers. Yet, these families face unique barriers to treatment initiation, adherence, and effectiveness. The identification of these barriers allows clinicians, researchers, and policy makers to increase treatment utilization, engagement, and value. The current review and its recommendations derive from the existing literature combined with knowledge gained from a clinical research team with more than 20 years of experience offering a treatment program for CSA survivors and their non-offending family members. The review organizes barriers around factors related to individual characteristics of children and caregivers, perceptions and beliefs commonly held following CSA, and challenging family interactions in the context of individual and group treatment for CSA. Finally, barriers related to systemic and societal factors are examined given the importance of digitalcommons.unl.edu

Youth who are blamed for their sexual abuse may experience increased negative outcomes, such as amplified self-blame. Similarly, blaming nonoffending parents can impede their ability to support their child following disclosure. Understanding the factors that influence how people perceive victim, caregiver, and perpetrator responsibility is imperative for the protection and treatment of families who have experienced sexual abuse. Little research has explored victim and abuse characteristics that influence the perception of sexual abuse. As such, the purpose of this study was to examine the roles of behavior problems and frequency of abuse in the attribution of blame in a hypothetical sexual abuse case. In addition, the relationship between several respondent characteristics and assignment of responsibility were explored as secondary aims. The study used a two (behavior problems: three suspensions in one school semester vs. no mention of behavior problems) by two (one abuse occurrence vs. five abuse occurrences) between-subjects design. Seven hundred forty-two participants read one of the four child sexual abuse (CSA) vignettes and completed measures related to responsibility. ANOVAs revealed those who read a vignette where the youth experienced multiple abuse incidents rated the victim as more responsible regardless of whether or not the youth was described as having behavior problems. Results indicate that respondents may have attributed more blame to the victim due to the belief that she could have done something to stop the abuse after the first incident. The abuse frequency manipulation when combined with the behavior manipulation appeared to relate to how respondents perceived the victim's parents. Males and younger respondents attributed more blame to the victim; however, sexual abuse or assault history did not associate with victim responsibility ratings. Clinical and research implications were discussed.

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