Malnutrition in elderly people contributes to osteoporosis and fracture. The aim of the study was to investigate the effects of nutritional improvement on bone metabolism in elderly community-dwelling women. A 12-month randomized controlled trial of 71 ambulant women aged > or =70 years with BMI < or =21 kg/m(2 )and osteoporosis at the hip was undertaken. They received either calcium (1 g) and vitamin D (800 units of cholecalciferol) only (group 1: n=35) or calcium/vitamin D and one or two cartons of a nutritional supplement drink which provided 300 Kcal, 12 g protein, 11.6 g fat and 36.8 g carbohydrate per carton (group 2: n=36). Body composition and bone mineral density (BMD) were assessed at baseline and 12 months. Biochemical markers of bone turnover were measured at baseline and at 1, 3, 6, 9 and 12 months. Group 2 gained significantly more weight [mean (SD) group 1: 0.15 (2.45), group 2:2.66 (2.8) kg P<0.001] and fat mass [group 1: -0.26 (1.8), group 2:1.9 (1.7) kg P<0.001]. BMD at the spine, femoral neck and total hip did not change significantly, although there was a positive trend at the total hip in group 2 [group 1: -0.5 (5.2), group 2:1.25 (3.3)%, P=0.13]. In a subgroup analysis, irrespective of their treatment group, there was a significant difference in changes in BMD at the lumbar spine and total hip in those who lost body weight (A) compared to those who had maintained or increased their weight (B), [mean (SD) % change in BMD lumbar spine; A: -1.64 (3.75), B: 0.96 (2.75) P=0.013, total hip A: -2.09 (6.0), B: 1.04 (3.3), P=0.05)] A significant reduction in serum CTX, a marker of bone resorption, was seen in group 2 [% decrease at 3 months, group 1: 1 (8.7), Group 2: 32 (5.8), P<0.01]. Serum osteoprotegerin (OPG) increased significantly in group 2 with a maximal increase (27%) observed at 6 ( P<0.01) and 9 months ( P<0.05). A small increase in bone-specific alkaline phosphatase was seen at 12 months in group 2 [% increase group 1:5 (5), group 2: 17 (6), P=0.05]. Serum osteocalcin increased at 12 months in group 2 ( P=0.01). Dietary improvement in elderly women with low BMI is associated with a reduction in bone resorption with a small but "net" positive effect on bone formation.
This article seeks to both understand and characterize the intrinsic power relationships at the centre of the contemporary Sámi media industries. In the case of the Sámi, the Finno-Ugric indigenous minority who primarily inhabit the northernmost regions of Europe, the need to establish visibility through a variety of film and media channels is amplified by their ongoing constitutional marginalization in both political and economic forums. However, this article asks whether the Sámi face uniquely precarious barriers as indigenous media producers by introducing the concepts of ‘constituted precarity’ and ‘symbolic cultural labour’. Specifically, it frames the idea of constituted precarity as a type of ideological power relationship where the ‘host’ nations strategically engineer the precariousness of Sámi media platforms, primarily through policy. By examining the Sámi film industry’s position in Norway’s regional film funding infrastructure, we can identify different forms of precarity and manifestations of indigenous cultural labour that will help us determine whose interests are represented in the ongoing debates over cultural ownership and Sámi self-determination.
Minority politics has become a twenty-first-century global crisis. Nowhere is this more evident than in the five Nordic nations. Looking at representations of race and ethnicity across Nordic film history, I explore how cinema has reflected and subverted ethnic stereotypes against the backdrop of shifting political and economic landscapes.
One of the most striking genre conventions to emerge in Danish cinema in recent years is the gangster motif. Replete with gritty social realism, urban decay, and tribal warfare between different ethnic groups, these films reflect a growing discontent in the Danish welfare state, particularly regarding multiculturalism and inclusion. This article follows these trends from the mid-1990s, focusing specifically on the themes of ethnic division in four films: Nicolas Winding Refn’s Pusher (1996), Michael Noer’s Nordvest (2013) [Northwest], Omar Shargawi’s Gå med fred, Jamil (2008) [Go With Peace, Jamil], and Michael Noer and Tobias Lindholm’s R (2010) [R: Hit First, Hit Hardest]. The article explores racial division in these films by examining how they reflect or subvert cultural and political approaches towards diversity in Denmark over the last two decades.
Artikkelissa tutkitaan, miten Norjan, Ruotsin ja Suomen saamelaiset mediaorganisaatiot viestivät, jakavat resursseja ja tekevät sekä ammatillista että luovaa yhteistyötä transnationaalien "verkostokäytäntöjen" avulla. Tätä kautta artikkelissa arvioidaan sitä, missä määrin nämä "verkostot" erottavat saamelaista elokuvatuotantoa Pohjoismaiden hallitsevista elokuvateollisuuden muodoista. Saamelaisidentiteetti valkokankaalla: toiseutetuista alamaisista transnationaaleiksi elokuvatoimijoiksiSaamelaiset asuttavat Norjan, Ruotsin, Suomen ja Venäjän pohjoisimpia osia. Alue, joka kokonaisuutena tunnetaan nimellä Sápmi, Saamenmaa, on laaja kulttuurinen vyöhyke, johon kuuluu sekä Suomen että Ruotsin Lappi. Suurin osa saamelaisväestöstä asuu Norjassa, mutta kokonaisuutena saamelaisten maantieteellinen asuinalue levittyy usean eri maan alueelle, mistä seuraa se, että saamelaisväestö elää neljän eri kansallisvaltion lainsäädännön alaisena. Saamelaispolitiikka on myös yleisesti kiistanalainen kysymys koko alueella. Keskeiset vastakkainasettelut liittyvät poliittisten ja taloudellisten oikeuksien tunnustamiseen. Maankäyttöoikeus ja vapaus käyttää, hallita ja kontrolloida resursseja ovat keskeisiä kiistanaiheita saamelaisten ja heidän pohjoismaisten isäntävaltioidensa välillä. Jännitteet ulottuvat myös Pohjoismaiden alueen ulkopuolelle, sillä arktinen alue, jossa Saamenmaa sijaitsee, on myös globaalisti merkittävä. Niin kutsutut "arktiset valtiot", Kanada, Yhdysvallat, Venäjä, Grönlanti ja Pohjoismaat (mukaan lukien Tanska, koska sillä on koloniaalinen suhde Grönlantiin), ovat jatkuvassa geopoliittisessa ja taloudellisessa kamppailussa alueen odotetuista tulevista resursseista.Erityisesti Norjassa ja Ruotsissa yhä uudet luvat resurssien hyödyntämiseen ovat herättäneet laajaa huolta ja ahdistusta mahdollisista taloudellisista vaikutuksista pohjoisen alueen olemassa olevalle liiketoiminnalle. Viimeisin kaivostoiminnan laajentuminen on tulkittu paikallisesti taas uudeksi pohjoisen alueen kolonisoinnin aalloksi, josta ei ole vastuussa vain etelä vaan yleisemmin globaali pääoma.
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