In his work the Clash of Civilizations S.P. Huntington classifi ed Ukraine as a "cleft country." In our view, the current discord in Ukraine is rooted in the political divisions that have frequently characterised the post-communist countries. In Ukraine, owing to a history of divergent socio-economic development in the various regions, these divisions are strongly regional. The dichotomic socio-economic framework refl ects not only ethnic and religious diff erences but also such factors as urbanisation, economic development, and even natural elements. The resulting political divide in Ukraine may be traced to the dichotomy of its national identity. The dividing line is between east and west, urban and rural, and Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking Ukraine. Politically, it is between "Maidan-Ukraine" and "Anti-Maidan-Ukraine". The divide runs along the Uman'-Kharkiv line between the forest zone and the steppe. In the 18 th century the steppe -which had once been a corridor for the nomadic peoples -became a frontier territory for the Ukrainians and then for Tsarist Russia. The Russian ties of cities in the region were further strengthened by industrialisation in the 19 th and 20 th centuries and by Russifi cation in the Soviet era. The Soviet-made famine (Holodomor) and the events of World War II (the actions of the UPA) heightened Ukraine's political dichotomy. Since independence Ukraine's political elite has failed to address the problem in an adequate manner. The recent escalation of the confl ict is due to a lack of political cohesion in the young state and the gravitational eff ect of the major powers rather than primarily to some kind of civilizational diff erence. By accentuating Ukraine's economic and fi nancial diffi culties, the global crisis has made the country even more vulnerable.

This article presents the concept of social capital and highlights its use in the economic performance of Ukrainian entrepreneurs in Czechia. The social capital stands as one of the important resources, which can be used by migrant entrepreneurs in creating their own businesses and ethnic economies. The concept of social capital with its different approaches, roles and impact on society is a frequent topic of current scientific debate, particularly in connection with mass immigration to the Western countries. In our analysis we use the individual approach of social capital that goes in line with personal ties, and thus it is closely connected to mutual trust, cooperation, contacts as well as mutual aid and solidarity. Our main research question is whether the Ukrainian entrepreneurs poses social capital and how they use it in their business activities. The article is founded on qualitative research based on 16 in-depth semi-structured interviews with Ukrainian entrepreneurs and key actors of the Ukrainian community in Czechia. We conclude that the Ukrainians do not use their social capital to the available extent. The networks of contacts exist among the Ukrainian entrepreneurs, but their use for economic cooperation is rather limited, which seems to be caused by their low level of trust. The mutual solidarity presented in private life and in economic activities does not play a significant role. Moreover, due to the absence of social capital, Ukrainian entrepreneurs have not yet developed their ethnic economy in Czechia.

Ukrajna közelmúltbeli viharos története politikai, gazdasági és társadalmi válsághoz vezetett az ország egészében és vizsgálati terepünkön, Kárpátalján is. A katonai konfliktus, a behívók, valamint az egyre mélyülő gazdasági válság jelentősen átalakította a 2014 előtti boldogulási stratégiákat, felerősítve a külföldre irányuló migrációt – etnikai hovatartozástól függetlenül.Tanulmányunk mintegy gyorsjelentésként arra vállalkozik, hogy átfogó képet adjon Kárpátalja jelenlegi helyzetéről, valamint az elmúlt három évben végbement, a magyar közösséget érintő markáns változásokról. Fő célunk annak bemutatása, hogy az Ukrajna területén bekövetkezett bel- és geopolitikai események (Euromajdan, a Krím elvesztése, kelet-ukrajnai fegyveres konfliktus) hogyan alakították át Kárpátalján az egyéni és családi boldogulási mintázatokat, köztük a tanulmányunk fókuszában álló migrációs stratégiákat és a magyar–ukrán határon átnyúló informális kapcsolatokat. Írásunkban külön kitérünk Magyarország támogatáspolitikájának migrációt ösztönző avagy fékező hatásaira.A 2016 tavaszán végzett terepmunkánk alapján kijelenthetjük, hogy a korábban sem elhanyagolható mértékű mobilitás és a határhoz kötődő informális gazdasági stratégiák – mint önálló vagy kiegészítő bevételszerzési lehetőségek – felerősödtek Kárpátalján. A helyiek mobilitási stratégiáinak meghatározó jellemzője a cirkularitás, mind a külföldi munkavállalás, mind a határon átívelő rendszeres mozgások (pl. ingázás, csempészés, kiskereskedelem) esetében, de egyre erősödő forma a végleges kitelepedés is. Mindezen mozgásokat jelentősen megkönnyítették a magyar nemzetpolitika egyes lépései, különösen a magyar állampolgárság egyszerűsített megszerzésének lehetősége.

In the last decades, as a result of intensified migratory movements, scholars have globally witnessed the proliferation of transnational migrant and diaspora communities in many cases challenging the traditionally conceived sovereignty of nation states and inducing policy answers in the field of migration and citizenship politics. In Central and Eastern European countries, citizenship issues have been embedded in kin-state politics due to the existence of great number of ethnic-kin communities living in the territory of a neighbouring or nearby host countries. That is especially true to Hungary that has elaborated a sophisticated system of kin-state policies composing inseparable factor both in its domestic and foreign politics. The ongoing crisis in Ukraine generated such push factors that resulted in boosting out-migration in its westernmost region, Transcarpathia, where sizeable ethnic Hungarian community resides. The out-migration is further facilitated by pull factors manifested in intensified political presence and kin-state politics of Hungary, Poland and Czechia, three Visegrad countries in need of fresh labour force. The present paper -after reviewing recent migratory processes -offers an analysis on the interrelatedness of migration, geopolitics and kin-state politics in Transcarpathia. We argue that Ukraine's crisis resulted in a major shift in regional geopolitical power relations opening the floor to the Visegrad countries to intensify their presence and influence in Western Ukraine, primarily seeking for human resources to satisfy their demographic and workforce needs. Focusing on Hungary, we intend to prove that the out-migration of Transcarpathian Hungarians posed a serious challenge to the well-built system of Hungarian kin-state policies resulting in major modification of measures targeting Transcarpathia. We point to the ambiguous nature of the prime kin-state policy measure, the dual citizenship without residency introduced in 2010 by Hungary, arguing that following 2014 in the post Euromaidan Transcarpathian context it represents a tempting pragmatic tool embodying practical opportunities, even material benefits attractive for all Transcarpathians, including non-ethnic Hungarians. Finally, we conclude that Hungary's kin-state politics not only contribute to the decrease of the number of Transcarpathian Hungarians, but there is a high risk that -with their Hungarian citizenship -they will resettle in Western Europe, not in Hungary.