Adults typically use an exaggerated, distinctive speaking style when addressing infants. However, the effects of infant-directed (ID) speech on infants’ learning is not yet well understood. This research investigates how ID speech affects how infants perform a key function in language acquisition, associating the sounds of words with their meanings. Seventeen-month-old infants were presented with two label-object pairs in a habituation-based word learning task. In Experiment 1, the labels were produced in adult-directed (AD) speech. In Experiment 2, the labels were produced in ID prosody; they had higher pitch, greater pitch variation, and longer durations than the AD labels. We found that infants failed to learn the labels in AD speech, but succeeded in learning the same labels when they were produced in ID speech. Experiment 3 investigated the role of variability in learning from ID speech. When the labels were presented in ID prosody with no variation across tokens, infants failed to learn them. Our findings indicate that ID prosody can affect how readily infants map sounds to meanings and that the variability in prosody that is characteristic of ID speech may play a key role in its effect on learning new words.
To examine the development of visual short-term memory (VSTM) for location, we presented 6- to 12-month-old infants (N = 199) with two side-by-side stimulus streams. In each stream, arrays of colored circles continually appeared, disappeared, and reappeared. In the changing stream, the location of one or more items changed in each cycle; in the non-changing streams the locations did not change. Eight- and 12.5-month-old infants showed evidence of memory for multiple locations, whereas 6.5-month-old infants showed evidence of memory only for a single location, and only when that location was easily identified by salient landmarks. In the absence of such landmarks, 6.5-month-old infants showed evidence of memory for the overall configuration or shape. This developmental trajectory for spatial VSTM is similar to that previously observed for color VSTM. These results additionally show that infants’ ability to detect changes in location is dependent on their developing sensitivity to spatial reference frames.
We examined how experience at home with pets is related to infants' processing of animal stimuli in a standard laboratory procedure. We presented 6-month-old infants with photographs of cats or dogs and found that infants with pets at home (N = 40) responded differently to the pictures than infants without pets (N = 40). These results suggest that infants' experience in one context (at home) contributes to their processing of similar stimuli in a different context (the lab), and have implications for how infants' early experience shapes basic cognitive processing.
Although infants’ cognitions about the world must be influenced by experience, little research has directly assessed the relation between everyday experience and infants’ visual cognition in the laboratory. Eye-tracking procedures were used to measure 4-month-old infants’ eye-movements as they visually investigated a series of images. Infants with pet experience (N = 27) directed a greater proportion of their looking at the most informative region of animal stimuli—the head—than did infants without such experience (N = 21); the two groups of infants did not differ in their scanning of images of human faces or vehicles. Thus, infants’ visual cognitions are influenced by everyday experience, and theories of cognitive development in infancy must account for the effect of experience on development.
Very little is known about the effect of pet experience on cognitive development in infancy. In Experiment 1, we document in a large sample (N = 1270) that 63% of families with infants under 12 months have at least one household pet. The potential effect on development is significant as the first postnatal year is a critically important time for changes in the brain and cognition. Because research has revealed how experience shapes early development, it is likely that the presence of a companion dog or cat in the home influences infants' development. In Experiment 2, we assess differences between infants who do and do not have pets (N = 171) in one aspect of cognitive development: their processing of animal faces. We examined visual exploration of images of dog, cat, monkey, and sheep faces by 4-, 6-, and 10-month-old infants. Although at the youngest ages infants with and without pets exhibited the same patterns of visual inspection of these animals faces, by 10 months infants with pets spent proportionately more time looking at the region of faces that contained the eyes than did infants without pets. Thus, exposure to pets contributes to how infants look at and learn about animal faces.
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