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Consensual sexual relationships between students and faculty have traditionally been viewed as private matters and have been ignored by university administrators except in cases that resulted in sexual harassment claims. Due to increasing sexual harassment litigation and the liabilities associated with such relationships, universities have developed policies to limit relationships between faculty and students and to acknowledge the power differential inherent in such relationships. These policies, however, differ between universities, causing confusion among the university community as to what is considered acceptable and ethical behavior. Using a sample of 55 universities, this analysis attempted to determine (a) the level of acceptability of such relationships, (b) the language or absence thereof addressing power differentials, (c) liability issues associated with these relationships, (d) reporting requirements, and (e) whether clearly outlined sanctions exist when/if such relationships occur. Future directions for research and policy are also discussed.

This article reviews current research on domestic violence with an eye toward its use in developing state-of-the-art police training. The authors argue that four general presuppositions about domestic violence need to be reexamined to develop adequate police training that enhances detection, investigation, and prosecution of these crimes. Chief among these presuppositions are: (a) there is only one kind of domestic violence; (b) most domestic violence is relatively minor; (c) domestic violence is the same as other crimes; and (d) domestic violence calls are extraordinarily dangerous for police officers. We conclude that training on domestic violence is essential, given the changing nature of domestic violence legislation, the unique attention given to police responses, and the unique nature of the crime.

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The goal of the current study was to examine the association between demographic characteristics and childhood experiences on the respondents' age of committing childhood animal cruelty and its recurrency. Using data collected from 257 male inmates at a Southern medium-security state prison, the current study seeks to replicate a study by Hensley, Tallichet, and Dutkiewicz. Results revealed that those respondents who were physically abused as children reported engaging in recurrent animal cruelty. The younger the age of respondent for first witnessing animal cruelty, the sooner his initiation to hurting and killing animals occurred. In addition, those who reported witnessing a parent commit acts of animal abuse reported that they committed animal abuse themselves at an older age, while those who witnessed a brother/sister commit animal abuse reported engaging in it at an earlier age. Therefore, physical abuse and witnessing primary socializers engage in animal abuse seem to be important in understanding the respondents' age of onset and repeated childhood animal cruelty.

Recent literature has described a rise in the activity of right-wing extremists in the United States. Several studies have examined this phenomenon in relation to the actions of President Trump. Comparatively, little research has examined the impact of the Obama presidency on right-wing extremism despite a peak in the number of right-wing extremist groups during his second term. Using a power-threat framework, this study examines the unique effects of the presidential candidacies and elections of Obama and Trump on the frequency of attacks committed by right-wing extremists in the U.S. as documented in the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (ARIMA) modeling is applied to monthly counts ( n = 151) of 141 domestic terrorist attacks committed by right-wing extremists that occurred in the U.S. between June 3, 2006, and December 31, 2018. Consistent with the political threat hypothesis, our findings indicate that the re-election of President Obama was associated with a gradual, permanent increase in the frequency of attacks by right-wing extremists. Yet, none of the intervention components associated with his first candidacy or election were associated with statistically significant changes in right-wing terrorist attacks. In contrast, and in accordance with the emboldenment hypothesis, all intervention components associated with the candidacy and election of Donald Trump predicted permanent increases in the frequency of attacks—and most were abrupt in nature. In view of these findings, political leaders on the left and right must anticipate the ability of their rhetoric and behavior to both alienate and embolden extremist groups and individuals, particularly within the far-right. As our findings demonstrate, failure to do so risks contributing to increased activity among far-right extremists as a product of either political threat or emboldenment.

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