In this study, we respond to calls for strengths-based Indigenous research by highlighting American Indian and First Nations (Anishinaabe) perspectives on wellness. We engaged with Anishinaabe community members by using an iterative, collaborative Group Concept Mapping methodology to define strengths from a within-culture lens. Participants (n=13) shared what it means to live a good way of life/have wellness for Anishinaabe young adults, ranked/sorted their ideas, and shared their understanding of the map. Results were represented by nine clusters of wellness, which addressed aspects of self-care, self-determination, actualization, community connectedness, traditional knowledge, responsibility to family, compassionate respect towards others, enculturation, and connectedness with earth/ancestors. The clusters were interrelated; primarily in the relationship between self-care and focus on others. The results are interpreted by the authors and Anishinaabe community members though the use of the Seven Grandfather Teachings, which provide a framework for understanding Anishinaabe wellness. The Seven Grandfather Teachings include: Honesty (Gwayakwaadiziwin), Respect (Manaadendamowin), Humility (Dabaadendiziwin), Love (Zaagi’idiwin), Wisdom (Nibwaakaawin), Bravery/Courage (Aakode’ewin), and Truth (Debwewin).
Indigenous communities lack representation in psychiatric epidemiology despite disproportionate exposure to risk factors. We document the cumulative and 12-month prevalence of psychiatric disorders across the early life course among a sample of Indigenous young adults and compare prospective and retrospective reporting of lifetime mental disorders. This community-based participatory research includes data from 735 Indigenous people from 8 reservations/reserves. Personal interviews were conducted between 2002-2010 and 2017-2018 totaling 9 waves; diagnostic assessments of DSM-IV-TR alcohol abuse/dependence, marijuana use/dependence, other substance abuse/dependence, generalized anxiety disorder, major depressive disorder, dysthymic disorder, and attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder occurred at waves 1 (mean age = 11.1 years), 4 (mean age = 14.3 years), 6 (mean age = 16.2 years), 8 (mean age = 18.3 years), and 9 (mean age = 26.3 years). Cumulative lifetime psychiatric disorders reached 77.3% and lifetime comorbidity 56.4% by wave 9. Past-year prevalence and comorbidity at wave 9 were 28.7% and 6.7%, respectively. Substance use disorders (SUDs) were most common with peak past-year prevalence observed when participants were on average 16.3 years old then declining thereafter. Trends in early life course psychiatric disorders in this study with Indigenous participants highlight cultural variations in psychiatric epidemiology including surprisingly low rates of internalizing
The present study examined self-reported levels of traumatic stress symptoms, forgiveness, and meaning in life in residents of regions experiencing ongoing violence (Middle East), recent past violence (Africa), distant past violence and disaster (Caucasus), and recent natural disaster (Caribbean). The sample included 900 individuals from Africa (Kenya n = 149; Burundi n = 104; Rwanda n = 57), the Middle East (Israel n = 34; Jordan n = 22; Palestine n = 220), the Caucasus (Armenia n = 109), and the Caribbean (Haiti n = 205). Analyses of covariance controlling for demographic factors revealed significant regional differences. Violent ongoing trauma in the Middle East and recent violent trauma in African countries were associated with higher traumatic stress symptoms than in the Caribbean where trauma was nonviolent and in the Caucasus region where trauma was quite distant. Forgiveness levels were lowest among participants in the Middle East and highest in Africa. Meaning in life was also lowest in the Middle East. There is wide diversity in the sociocultural traumatic events and calamities that befall societies; those events have unique impacts on survivors’ levels of traumatic stress symptoms, forgiveness, and meaning in life. Counselors, clergy, aid-workers, and policymakers should be apprised of the range of sociocultural traumatic experiences and associated differential outcomes.
OBJECTIVE | Type 2 diabetes represents a major health disparity for many American Indian/Alaska Native (AIAN) communities, in which prevalence rates are more than double that of the general U.S. population. Diabetes is a major indicator for other comorbidities, including the leading cause of death for AIANs (i.e., cardiovascular disease). This study investigated associations between protective factors (social support and cultural factors) and self-reported empowerment to manage illness.DESIGN AND METHODS | Participants were drawn from a random sample of tribal clinic records. Data included results from computer-assisted personal interviews with 192 American Indian adults with a diagnosis of type 2 diabetes living on or near a reservation. Community Research Councils, developed at each of the five partnering Anishinaabe reservations, oversaw protocols and procedures in this community-based participatory research collaboration.RESULTS | Multiple ordinary least squares regression models determined that general social support and diabetesspecific social support are positively related to diabetes empowerment. These associations persisted when both social support measures were added to the model, indicating independent effects of different types of social support. Cultural identity and cultural practices were positively related to diabetes empowerment in bivariate analyses; however, both measures dropped from statistical significance after accounting for all other covariates. An interaction term revealed a moderation effect through which cultural identity amplified the positive relationship between social support and diabetes empowerment.CONCLUSION | Results moderately support policy and risk-reduction efforts aiming at expanding social support networks into multiple domains and reinforcing cultural identity and cultural practices.
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