War have led to a new competition of hegemonic interpretations of history and national memory. In particular this has happened in the former socialist Eastern European countries (notably in the Baltic States, Poland, and Western Ukraine) where there has been a big demand to establish a new state identity distancing these countries from the socialist past. For the Russian socio-cultural and political environment the given identity political demand has created a challenging terrain in which symbolic, and irrevocably political, resources for national identity are forced to be calibrated in line with domestic and its ramifications has been the most notable manifestation, which exhibits the political significance of history in these identity debates. In order to grasp the manifestations of this significance, this article (Velikaia Otechestvennaia voina T Vtoraia mirovaia voina, VMV) in the Russian mainstream media over the course of the last ten years. For this purpose the Integrum databases (Russian-language media corpus of more than 400 million documents) provide a productive tool for specified queries related to VOV and VMV allowing the examination of major themes that these two terms activate in the Russian public discourse. We argue that whereas canonized framework for discussing the war within society, it is the VMV which figures discussion. In relation to broader identity political context, the study expands the question of how the era of the Second World War is treated in Russia, and the potential limits of this discussion.
Palgrave Macmillan Memory StudiesThe nascent field of Memory Studies emerges from contemporary trends that include a shift from concern with historical knowledge of events to that of memory, from 'what we know' to 'how we remember it'; changes in generational memory; the rapid advance of technologies of memory; panics over declining powers of memory, which mirror our fascination with the possibilities of memory enhancement; and the development of trauma narratives in reshaping the past. These factors have contributed to an intensifi cation of public discourses on our past over the last thirty years. Technological, political, interpersonal, social and cultural shifts affect what, how and why people and societies remember and forget. This groundbreaking new series tackles questions such as: What is 'memory' under these conditions? What are its prospects, and also the prospects for its interdisciplinary and systematic study? What are the conceptual, theoretical and methodological tools for its investigation and illumination?More information about this series at http://www.springer. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. The absolute evil that is found in the past should be abandoned there forever. Different parts of the European continent give different interpretations to this powerful idea. Shocked by the carnage of two world wars, Western Europe shaped a radically new kind of political union whose purpose was to prevent such a war happening ever again, at least among the members of this union. An alliance with a transatlantic superpower guaranteed this peace and prosperity, but the founding nations of the European Union have all had reasons to believe that this negative affirmation-never again!-has been their choice, the core of a new political identity. In Eastern Europe, the post-war era unfolded in a very different way. In ...
This article approaches Vladimir Putinʼs authoritarian rule by adhering to populismʼs minimal definition, and argues – in contrast to vernacular perceptions of populism – that Putin is not a populist by his political identification. Whereas the lack of political plurality is an important obstacle for the emergence of any populism, this factor alone cannot explain the Kremlinʼs lack of a consistent authoritarian populist alternative. For instance, the President of Belarus, Aleksander Lukashenko has justified his longstanding populist rule in a country, which certainly lacks political plurality. It is argued that Russiaʼs historical distrust in ‘the people’ as a political subject and the incompatibility of populismʼs simplified antagonisms for Putinʼs neo-imperial course, are the central explanations for the absence of an authoritarian populism in Russia.
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