Disorganized/Disoriented (D) attachment has seen widespread interest from policy makers, practitioners, and clinicians in recent years. However, some of this interest seems to have been based on some false assumptions that (1) attachment measures can be used as definitive assessments of the individual in forensic/child protection settings and that disorganized attachment (2) reliably indicates child maltreatment, (3) is a strong predictor of pathology, and (4) represents a fixed or static “trait” of the child, impervious to development or help. This paper summarizes the evidence showing that these four assumptions are false and misleading. The paper reviews what is known about disorganized infant attachment and clarifies the implications of the classification for clinical and welfare practice with children. In particular, the difference between disorganized attachment and attachment disorder is examined, and a strong case is made for the value of attachment theory for supportive work with families and for the development and evaluation of evidence-based caregiving interventions.
A set of family relationship scales was externally validated against personality outcomes in 41 adolescent children, independently assessed I year later. The 12 scales were organized into four groups designed to assess (a) affective-tonal properties, (b) process characteristics, (c) structural disturbances, and (d) dynamic properties of relationship systems. The two outcome criteria, ego-resiliency and ego-control were predictably related to different patterns of scale scores. Ego-resiliency was related positively and significantly to (a) molar judgments of positive family functioning based on consideration of all scales, (b) a combination of scales selected a priori, and (c) a number of individual scales focused on affective qualities, conflict resolution, and support of individuals by relationships. Ego-control was related to particular patterns of family functioning. Family relationship systems described as unengaged, unsafe, and threatening had adolescent children who tended toward high overcontrol. High undercontrol in adolescent children was related to two family interaction patterns: one unrestrained and provocative but nonthreatening, the other characterized by differential closeness between child and opposite sex parent.
The Minnesota longitudinal study of parents and children from birth to adulthood provides both a theoretical framework and a host of empirical findings that can serve to bridge the gap between research and clinical application. Key among these findings are: (a) the ongoing impact of early relationship experiences throughout the years, even with later experience and circumstances controlled; (b) the cumulative nature of experience and its continual impact with current context; (c) the important role of adult partner relationships; (d) the increasingly active role of the persons themselves in their own development; and (e) the interplay between experience, representation, and ongoing adaptation. These findings, and the theoretical structure underlying them, suggest the need for complex, comprehensive intervention that begins early, with a focus on altering the quality of parent - child relationships. At the same time, additional components, including couples therapy and efforts to alter the child's inner constructions of experience, are clearly suggested. One must attend to forces maintaining children on maladaptive developmental pathways once established, as well as understanding the factors that initiated such pathways.
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