Although numerous studies have examined the influence of neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage on the quantity of violence, little attention has been devoted to whether such conditions also shape the quality of violence. Drawing on Anderson's (1999) influential ethnography, we derive several hypotheses about how the nature of violence differs across neighborhoods with varying socioeconomic conditions. Using data on assaults and robberies from the area‐identified National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), our analyses reveal support for Anderson's description of the nature of violence in different neighborhood contexts, but only mixed support for his argument that those differences are due to neighborhood effects.
In this study we test two hypotheses concerning the processing of simple and aggravated rape cases. First, we test the hypothesis that aggravated rape cases are taken more seriously than simple rape cases by decision makers in the criminal justice system and, thus, aggravated cases will result in more serious outcomes. Second, we test the hypothesis that the influence of factors relating to the blame and believability of a victim on case processing is greater in simple than in aggravated rape cases. Our results indicate that the characteristics and outcomes of aggravated and simple rape cases are surprisingly similar, and that there is little evidence of an interaction between type of case and victim characteristics.
Previous research on the perceived certainty of punishment indicates that individuals with experience in committing crimes perceive arrest as less certain than do those without such experience. Studies assessing the influence of experiencing formal sanctions on perceptions of risk have produced mixed results. Most studies however, have not considered the experience of sanctions in conjunction with the frequency of criminal behavior. With a sample of 1,046 incarcerated felons, we examined relationships among perceived risk of arrest, arrest history, and frequency of committing crimes. Our findings suggest that it is important to measure the ratio of arrests to crimes and that perceptions of risk are formed in a manner consistent with a rational choice perspective, even in a sample of serious offenders.
In order to assess the roles of weapons and offender intentions in the outcomes of potentially violent events, we analyze more than 2,000 incidents described by offenders. We advance the study of weapons effects through a within‐person analysis that lets us control for all time‐stable characteristics of the offenders. Thus, we address the concern that relationships between type of weapon and incident outcome may be spurious because individuals with a greater propensity to do harm are more likely to use guns. Findings indicate that weapons have independent effects that differ across the stages of an event.
An inverse relationship between employment and crime is well established, although the mechanisms that account for the correlation remain poorly understood. In the current study, we investigate the role of work quality, measured objectively (hours, income) as well as subjectively (commitment). A routine activities perspective is proposed for the work–crime relationship, and it inspires hypotheses about the way that work reduces crime indirectly, in part, through unstructured leisure and substance‐using behaviors that tend to carry situational inducements to offend. The results derive from within‐person analyses of monthly data provided by adult male offenders recently admitted to state prison in the Second Nebraska Inmate Study (N = 717; NT = 21,965). The findings indicate that employment significantly reduces self‐report crime but only when employed men report strong commitment to their jobs, whereas other work characteristics are unrelated to crime. This indicates that, among serious criminally involved men, the subjective experience of work takes priority over its objective characteristics. The results also indicate that routine activities only partly mediate the relationship among work, job commitment, and crime, whereas the majority of the work–crime relationship remains unmediated.
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