ResumenUna forma de tipificar los nacionalismos, referente al tipo de nación que se propone, diferencia entre nacionalismo político, territorial o cívico y nacionalismo étnico o cultural. Por otra parte, el nacionalismo, y menos en las naciones sin estado, no puede entenderse sin su vertiente política, lo que no significa interpretarlo de manera politizada. Eso sucede, a mi entender, en los casos catalán y vasco, los cuales son presentados como modelos opuestos: cívico e inclusivo el primero; y étnico y exclusivo el segundo. Sin embargo, su concepción de la nación resulta bastante similar, y lo que sí los separa es la práctica política. La caracterización de incluyente o excluyente del nacionalismo está, así, unida a su radicalidad polí-tica y no, al carácter de la nación. Considero que la nación y el tema nacional tienen unas características propias, y no podermos trasladar irreflexivamente valoraciones del ámbito de lo político al ámbito de la nación. Por ello, no podemos utilizar categorías pertenecientes a lo social (inclusivo-exclusivo) o a lo nacional (étnico-político o cívico) para explicar diferencias que pertenecen al campo de lo político. Palabras clave: nacionalismo étnico, nacionalismo cívico, Cataluña, País Vasco. Abstract. Is Catalan nationalism really civic and Basque nationalism ethnic?One way of typifying nationalism, with regards to the type of nation one seeks, differentiates between political, territorial or civic nationalism and ethnic or cultural nationalism. Yet, nationalism, particularly in the case of stateless nations, cannot be understood if we ignore the political aspect, which does not imply interpreting it in a politicised fashion. In my opinion, such is the case with Catalan and Basque nationalism, which are presented as opposed models: the former, civic and inclusive; and the latter, ethnic and exclusive. However, their conception of the nation is quite similar, and what really separates them is political policy. The characterization of nationalism as inclusive or exclusive is thus related to its being politically radical and not to its nature as a nation. I believe that the nation and the national question have characteristics of their own, and evaluations made on politics should not be applied in a thoughtless fashion when referring only to the subject of the nation. In consequence, we cannot use categories pertaining to society (inclusive-exclusive) or to the nation (ethnic-political or civic) to explain differences pertaining to the political field.
In October 2011, the Basque armed organization ETA announced an end to its activities. This article aims at studying the reasons leading up to this unilateral decision which had been taken without prior negotiations or agreements. To this end, a large part of existing bibliography on the subject was consulted and most of the documents released by ETA in recent years, including those for internal use, were also reviewed. In our opinion, ETA reached this decision on the basis of two conclusions and an overall view of the state of affairs. The first of these conclusions found that the two main channels opened up in 1975 to reach its tactical goals, namely, negotiation with Spain and a national front, had been fully exploited. The second concerns the great difficulty in continuing to defend armed struggle on the grounds that it helps reinforce these two channels. Moreover, the belief that it is possible to make greater advances without, rather than with, armed activity, was widespread, paradoxical as that might seem. Forty years after its political positioning with respect to post-Franco Spain, convinced that both channels had been exhausted, and of its limited legitimacy to explore new ones in its capacity as a political movement, ETA reassessed the situation, and once again changed its discourse and practice, with an aim to attaining its strategic goals.
With the aim to win support for its political project, Basque nationalism has traditionally sought to get an increasingly larger number of people to share a national identity. However, in the twenty first century, we can appreciate another discourse, which goes beyond national sentiment, and includes aspects that are more related to social and personal wellbeing. This second discourse has given rise to a new attitude to the independence of the Basque Country, which can now be shared by people who are not necessarily Basque nationalists, but are, on the other hand, interested in a project for a state as it could afford them personal benefits. This study explores how both discourses are spread and whether there has been a perceptible change in the attitude to independence in non-Basque nationalist sectors.
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