The two largest cities in Ecuador each implemented three bus rapid transit (BRT) corridors from 1995 to 2013. The projects present similar characteristics, and thus a unique opportunity to analyze factors that influenced their performance. This paper identifies the level of private participation and the extent to which it influenced the outcomes of the projects. Two approaches were identified: 1) including incumbent operators by delegating vehicle acquisitions and operations; and 2) replacing them with a public company. The financial strength and interest of the incumbent operators in continuing to function along parallel routes were major issues. Quito was successful in the implementation of the first corridor through public delivery but failed in its attempts with private participation. Guayaquil surmounted the barriers for effective private participation through a special purpose vehicle (SPV) that managed the risk created by the inherent nature of the consortiums. It is expected that a deeper understanding of these processes will contribute to more efficient and sustainable transportation investments in Ecuador. In developing cities the vast majority of the population depend on public transit systems to access education, health, work, and other basic services. This is particularly the case for populations with fewer economic resources, who are transit captive. In Latin America, this situation led to creative solutions for mass transit planning. Curitiba developed a bus-based integrated transport system that led to the first bus rapid transit (BRT) configuration in 1982 (1), in part because of budget constraints for implementing a light rail transit (LRT) project (2). This configuration served as inspiration for Quito to develop its first BRT system, called ''Trolebus'' (1990s). Quito was the first city to implement BRT in what can be considered an unfriendly environment: narrow streets, steep hills, poorly regulated and unorganized private transport entrepreneurs (i.e., incumbent operators) (3), and oversupply of buses, among other factors (4). Public transit projects are of special importance for developing cities, in part because of the massive financial burden they represent to the municipal budget. The predicament derives from low revenue and high expenses. Consider two major cities in Ecuador: the municipal budgets of Quito and Guayaquil (2.6 million inhabitants each) have reached approximately US$ 0.9 billion and US$ 0.7 billion, respectively. Developed cities of similar size dwarf these figures (e.g., Toronto or Chicago with 2.7 million inhabitants each, reach annual budgets close to US$10 billion). On the expenses side, there are larger requirements for basic infrastructure. These cities are still working to provide acceptable coverage for potable water, sanitary infrastructure, and basic roads. However, even with this burden public transportation projects have taken the center stage in municipal budgets. These budgets are financed mainly through debt and lately through private participation. As of th...
In practice, the process of transportation planning is shaped by more than technical factors. This paper analyzes how different factors (demand, local conditions, financial, social, and political) have influenced all of the rapid transit projects in Ecuador over the past three decades by evaluating their relative significance on each system component (alignment, size, and technology). This research uses a multiple-case methodology including in-depth interviews with the senior members of the technical teams, as well as a survey component based on the analytic hierarchy process for quantification of the relative significance of the factors. The comparative analysis of projects shows five key results: (1) Each project was unique and external factors introduced a varying degree of complexity into each planning process; (2) The systems’ alignments and sizes were mostly driven by demand and local conditions (rational planning process); (3) The main factor driving technology selection has evolved over time from system demand to political (political bargaining approach); (4) Negative economic conditions had a large influence on the factors of all project components; (5) There is a lack of rational alternative evaluation and an absence of corresponding tools/guidelines in Ecuador. Nonetheless, several processes included practices that contributed to a more rational planning process: lifecycle cost analysis for the various technology alternatives, explicit decision-maker guidelines, transferring the demand risk to the private sector, and the use of multicriteria decision analysis. Implications for future planning efforts are discussed.
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