After 1949 China's welfare system developed on the basis of a status division between urban and rural residents. Urban and rural societies were profoundly influenced by the respective organization of their welfare systems, which shared the feature of being fixed to specific places (rural) or enterprises (urban). Reform of core institutions is constrained by path dependency. Knowledge of those constraints, however, can aid efforts to shape new paths. In this paper we examine how institutional legacies of urban – rural status differentiation continue to structure economic and welfare reform. China's reform process has been characterized by an unusual degree of decentralization and local experimentation. As a result, the nature of change is not easily seen by examining only laws and policies related to welfare. Instead, broader changes in the economy and the loosening of controls on mobility have interacted with the locality/enterprise welfare systems to generate diverse local outcomes. After an overview of the welfare institutions and the reform process, we draw on field research in industrializing rural areas in Guangdong to describe a pattern we label ‘local citizenship’ where welfare benefits are elaborated for the locally born while excluding migrants.
Much of the literature about globalization exaggerates the degree of novelty. In this review, we concentrate on claims about what has changed about cities under late capitalism and globalization. Although we suggest that cities have long been influenced by global forces, we conclude that the roles of cities in the global system have changed considerably as a result of the time-space compression made possible by new transportation, communication, and organizational technologies. After discussing what the global perspective means within anthropology, and how it affects urban anthropological research, our review concentrates on three complex issues. First is whether the global factory and increasing knowledge-intensivity have decreased or increased the utility of the intermediary or brokerage roles that cities play. Second, we examine changes in how people live in globalizing cities. Third, we consider the implications of the construction and maintenance of relationships across borders for processes of citizenship, affiliation, and transnational social movements. 1 Though space does not permit an examination of the related literature on postmodernism, Leontidou (1993) has argued that Southern European cities possessed many of the cultural and organizational features of postmodernism even before the rise of North Atlantic Fordism, challenging the teleology and arguing for it as an alternative rather than successor to modernity.
Rapid industrialization in southern China has brought together two types of migrants: young women from towns and villages seeking work and upward mobility and affluent men from Hong Kong sojourning in the coastal provinces to supervise or service export‐oriented industries. The result is that many married Hong Kong men who cross the border regularly on business have taken “second wives” or mistresses in China. We analyze this phenomenon using government statistics, selected court cases, and personal interviews. We show that the emergence of the “second wife” phenomenon among migrants in southern China is consistent with recent studies on the causes of polygyny, and we make some predictions about the likelihood of this type of polygyny among migrants.
The concept of gentrification has become stretched, both conceptually and geograph ically, in ways that both erode its utility and displace alternative ways of understanding the displacement of lowerincome people by urban transformation. Among the negative consequences that we consider is that the resulting pressure to reframe analysis in terms of gentrification reinforces AngloAmerican academic hegemony and increases the difficulty of introducing more appropriate theoretical approaches from scholars in, and of, the global South. We draw on the anthropological concepts of emic and etic analysis to illustrate the dangers of such erasure and displacement of alternative frames of understanding. At the same time, the theoretical extension of the concept of gentrification to replace alternative ways of thinking about the displacement of lower income populations, such as 'urban renewal', has reduced the analytical utility of gentrification itself by confusing different mechanisms by which this is achieved. We illustrate the problems through consideration of the sustained tradition of work on displacement in Hong Kong using other conceptual frames. We encourage greater openness to alternative critical traditions that offer insights into the dislocation of poorer urban populations.
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