Summary In this article, I examine critically the culture versus human rights debate, and the crucial role and tactics of civil society organisations

No abstract

There is limited in-depth research focusing on how the state exerts its power and influence through immigration laws, policies and practices in structuring the relations of labour and capital in a manner that reflects capitalist interests. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the role of the state in fostering capitalist accumulation, using the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) as a case study, and to consider the policy implications of this program. This paper addresses the following questions: What shapes and reproduces labour-capital relations with reference to SAWP? What are the repercussions of these relations, particularly on the international migrant workers? What should be the role of the state and law in transforming these relations? The paper draws on a constellation of insights from neoliberal globalization, segmentation of labour theory, and a conceptual overview of the role of the state in regulating labour-capital relations to illuminate the discussions. This paper helps broaden our current understanding of how the state facilitates capitalist accumulation in the agricultural sector in Canada through immigration policies and practices with reference to the SAWP. The paper therefore makes a contribution to the theoretical debates on the role of the state in the facilitation of capitalist accumulation in agriculture.

No abstract

Since Ghana’s independence in 1957, political corruption has been a significant problem impeding the development of the country. Based on primary and secondary data, this article argues that grand corruption such as Ghanaian political corruption mainly stems from a complex interplay of greed, opportunities grounded in monopoly power, and weak deterrent systems. Hence, uncontrolled political corruption is primarily a product of consistent political leadership failure to aggressively regulate greed, reasonably limit political power, and effectively strengthen the public-sector accountability structures. To help address political corruption, major stakeholders, particularly the political leadership, should critically analyze the legal regime, power structures, and deterrent mechanisms to remove opportunities for political corruption through effective checks and balances, surveillance, and sanctions. This paper makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding and tackling political corruption generally.

The production and sale of unsafe food, which typifies the concept of cheap capitalism, has become a global concern due to the increasing integration and interdependence of contemporary societies. Using secondary data sources, including the media, regulatory bodies, interest groups, and scholarly literature, this chapter explores unsafe food within the conceptual framework of cheap capitalism. By examining the nature and scale of unsafe food, it first argues that cheap capitalism is rampant, posing a greater risk to public health locally and internationally. Second, it argues that the state, the industry, and the processes of globalisation typically constitute the dominant factors shaping and driving cheap capitalism in the food sector. Third, it argues that unsafe food in the Canadian context can properly be understood within the global context of cheap capitalism. Finally, it explores steps being taken to address cheap capitalism in the food industry.

No abstract

Purpose Corruption perception is essential to study because it can shape people’s attitudes toward the government. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to address this key question: what factors are associated with a non-expert’s judgment of whether Canada is corrupt? Design/methodology/approach This study uses the World Value Survey conducted in Canada in October 2020. This survey is based on a nationally representative sample of a cross-section of adult Canadian residents, including Canadian citizens and permanent residents and those who are neither Canadian citizens nor permanent residents. Findings Based on this study, some conclusions can be made. First, people accessing corruption news from the traditional news media are less likely than those receiving information from the new media to perceive the state (in this case, Canada) as corrupt. Second, people who have less confidence in public institutions are more likely to perceive a country as corrupt. Third, people who participate in electoral and non-electoral forms of political participation are more likely to perceive the state and its public officials as corrupt. Fourth, regardless of which political party is in power, individuals who lean right politically are more likely than those on the left to perceive the state as corrupt. Finally, immigrants are less likely than those born in Canada to perceive the state as corrupt. This work enriches the literature on the substantive understanding of the factors associated with corruption perception. Originality/value Studies investigating factors associated with public perception of corruption tend to focus on developing countries. The current study contributes to filling this gap in knowledge by examining correlates of corruption perception in Canada. As a result, this study contributes to the literature on factors associated with corruption perception, especially in the developed country context.