For decades, China has been unceasingly making headway on the modality and quality of educational collaboration. This educational collaboration comes through student exchange, joint initiatives (research) and special training programs for African educational officials, as well as other long-and short-term training of Africans in China. On the other hand, in the discourse about China-Africa relations, technology transfer is one of the less investigated subjects; however, technology transfers have existed in China-Africa cooperation in the form of knowledge sharing. The paper explores the following: (i) 'what' are transferred through knowledge sharing; (ii) the potential for cooperation in knowledge sharing between China and African countries that are core to economic development in the areas of agriculture, medical and knowledge sharing from China's development experience. Chinese methods of teaching 'how to develop' based on its own experience may help fortify the independence of African nations and build win-win cooperation for long-term development.
This paper proposes to briefly explain why with the bullish trend of conservative-progressive competition in the post-COVID-19 world politics, DRC might find itself in a "complex dilemma". The latter is understood here as being a situation in which, when faced with a choice between two paths to follow, it appears not only difficult to go one way against the other, but also to manage to balance the two sides at the same time, by remaining in the middle without taking a position, by playing the neutrality of the third way without creating pronounced imbalances between the blocks of the conservatives and the progressives, represented here respectively by the United States and China. Our results show that this situation is more likely to catch DRC, because of its strategic character in the eyes of conservatives and progressives, its pronounced dependence on both China and the Western world, and its fragility due to problems of leadership and political governance. It is up to DRC to prepare and keep itself well, and learn from its past mistakes for its best survival.
This paper aims to demonstrate why the geopolitics of the African Great Lakes region can be both an obstacle and an asset to the effective implementation of the AfCFTA in the DRC. It begins by noting the negative factors unfavourable to the successful implementation of the AfCFTA in the DRC before presenting the positive factors favourable to the operationalisation of the AfCFTA in this country. But also this paper considers that the negative factors of the African Great Lakes region are not inevitable -and that the positive factors, when properly operationalised, can override any obstacles to the implementation of the AfCFTA.
This article sets out to explain why the narrative of the Transaqua project should be understood prior to any analysis and why it is appropriate to think this initiative in terms of the constructivist approach to international relations. For several decades, the issue of the rescue of Lake Chad by the waters of the Congo has dominated both the African regional universe and the international chronicle. It is also the backdrop for several scientific publications covering various fields. In International Relations, the issue has been explored more under the anchor of classical theoretical approaches. Very little research has attempted to address the initiative according to the analytical logics of critical theoretical approaches such as constructivismwhich is powerful for its multi-causal explanation of social phenomena, its emphasis on social context, intersubjective arrangements, the social construction of national interest and the constitutive nature of initiatives and actors.When we try to comb through the existing literature on the issue of mega water transfer projects such as Transaqua, we cannot help but notice that much of the literature on the politics of large-scale water infrastructure is centred on classical theoretical schemes enshrining the centrality of the state, the West, urban development and even urban modernism [1]-[6]. Too often, case studies have focused on river bodies, transboundary basins, shared basins, shared water resources…in developing countries [7]. These approaches focus on issues of territorialisation of governmental power, legitimisation of state power, nationalisation, sovereignty and other forms of political competence [8]- [10].With the inter-basin transfer to Lake Chad, social scientists have focused more on 'hydropolitical' analysis, such as Magrin's [11] political-ecological research on Lake Chad. Of course, Magrin sees the inter-basin transfer of water to restore the mythical disappearance of the lake as being motivated by various political interests. In contrast, from a hydro-security
This paper proposes to explain why African youth can be both an "opportunity" (asset) and a "risk" (problem) in the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The paper begins by defining the theoretical framework of the analysis. It then presents the demographic trends in Africa to illustrate the place of African youth in the paradigmatic renewal of the continent. From these trends, it makes two fundamental arguments justifying the interest of relying on African youth in order to capitalize on the gains of the AfCFTA. Finally, this paper considers that relying on youth for effective implementation of the AfCFTA is of undeniable importance for two reasons: (1) Because youth are a catalyst for the future progress of the continent. (2) Because youth can be a liability if nothing is done to address unemployment; boost quality job creation; change the youth training paradigm; and promote STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Math).
Ce papier discute de l’implémentation de la zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf) à l’aune du duel sino-états-unien et de la possibilité de capitaliser sur les opportunités d’investissement dans les infrastructures offertes par le Build Back Better World (B3W) et la Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). L’Union africaine (UA) et ses membres travaillent en effet pour faire progresser l’initiative de régionalisation des économies, en élaborant les politiques et accords ( soft infrastructure ) nécessaires. Mais ce qui manque encore, ce sont les infrastructures matérielles ( hard infrastructure ), essentielles pour que la ZLECAf ne reste pas lettre morte et que les citoyens africains en bénéficient réellement. La question se pose alors de savoir où trouver les financements nécessaires. Cet article tente d’expliquer pourquoi, en dépit de leur concurrence stratégique, la Chine, à travers la BRI, et les États-Unis, voire le G7, à travers le B3W, peuvent être un atout majeur pour une implémentation optimale de la ZLECAf.
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