Purpose Reliance on third-party judgments are common in efforts to identify and reduce workplace sexual harassment (SH). The purpose of this paper is to identify whether a workplace emphasis on inclusion as a cultural value is related to third-party labeling of and response to an exchange between a male manager and his female subordinate. Design/methodology/approach Participants (n=308) in an online survey experiment were randomly assigned to a workplace that emphasized inclusion or one that emphasized individual achievement as a cultural value. They read a vignette describing a workplace interaction between a male manager and his female subordinate and responded to a series of questions. Findings Organizational emphasis on inclusion is unrelated to third-party labeling of the interaction as SH, but positively associated with labeling the female’s intention to pursue harassment charges as an overreaction, and support for the female subordinate in a claim of SH against her manager. Culture is unassociated with willingness to defend the male manager in a SH claim. Practical implications Identifying how workplace culture shapes third-party reaction to harassment can help employers use third-party witnesses and cultural value statements as tools to reduce SH. Social implications A workplace’s cultural emphasis on inclusion is positively related to third-party support for SH victims implying the importance of workplace context in the fight against workplace SH. Originality/value The paper presents the first experimental analysis of how a workplace cultural emphasis on inclusion affects the third-party observers’ reactions to SH.
Migrant organizations are part of everyday associational life in the US. These organizations range in size and scope with interests that include the home and host country. In particular, one form of migrant organization, the Latin American hometown association (HTA), has taken as part of its purpose to aid in development and civic projects within their sending communities. HTAs have identified problems in the home country and take the initiative in solving the problem at hand which has at times allowed them to circumvent the government. Overtime, this ability to solve problems has granted migrants new political access in the home country. The work by HTAs has pressured the government to act on creating new policies that guide how it implements development projects to communities in need. This paper addresses how Latin American HTAs work towards transnational mobilization. Some attention is also given to the critiques of HTA organization.
Migrants and organizational collectives, such as hometown associations (HTAs), have sent remittances to their countries of origin in an attempt to alleviate unmet health care needs. Additionally, migrants will use collective funds to rehabilitating roads; improving sewage systems and water quality; constructing recreational facilities; and refurbishing community buildings. All of these projects contribute to public health. The question explored in this paper is how remittances from abroad potentially contributes to the health of hometown communities. This focus on health and related issues allows for exploring HTA cross-border work as particularly informative in understanding state/society relations. In effect, we bring light to how a migrant transnational social movement can attempt to address health needs in its hometown. The Comparative Immigrant Organization Project (CIOP) is used to answer this question. For this paper, the level of analysis for the CIOP is organizational.
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