La relación entre poder y conocimiento se ha visto reflejada en la construcción teórica sobre la persistencia del autoritarismo en los Estados árabes. Con origen en la teoría social decimonónica, que conceptuaba a las sociedades no occidentales como estancadas frente al dinamismo de las occidentales, las aproximaciones culturalistas y esencialistas argumentaron una supuesta excepcionalidad islámica para explicar ese déficit democrático. En contraposición, las perspectivas materialistas remitían esa explicación a la base económica, sistema político y ubicación internacional. Desde la propia historia de las relaciones internacionales del siglo XX se advierte cómo esa conceptualización no ha sido ajena a las coyunturas mundiales de la Guerra Fría y posguerra fría. En esa controversia teórica, las movilizaciones antiautoritarias árabes (2010/2011) introdujeron una ruptura epistemológica a favor de las aproximaciones materialistas.
Against the backdrop of changes in the power structure of the international system at the end of the twentieth century, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) entered into a peace process with Israel in 1993. Initially characterized by the influence of a multilateral order and then by the unipolar order dominated by the United States, in addition to the asymmetry of power between the two parties, the process ended up failing. The heir to that political legacy, the Palestinian Authority (PA), has tried to compensate for this weakness—despite its dependency relationships—with an internationalization strategy the continued advance of which appears to be severely limited. Added to this is the setback brought about by the political and diplomatic offensive of the Trump administration (2017–2021), one of unilateral support for Israel and absolute Palestinian exclusion. However, the increasing reconfiguration of the world order, the arrival of the new Biden administration, and the receptiveness of the International Criminal Court to investigate war crimes in Palestine seem to indicate a new political juncture. In this situation, the PA could also try to counterbalance the power asymmetry by seeking greater involvement from countries such as Russia, which has returned to the region as a great power, and China, whose presence there is growing. In turn, the PA will have to deal with different issues (unity, elections, a renewal of leadership) and try to boost its political legitimacy and international alliances to three ends: the prominence and reactivation of the PA, the recognition of Palestine as a state with in situ<em> </em>results, and international protection from Israeli policies.
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