This paper conducts a comparative review of the (curative) health systems’ response taken by Cyprus, Greece, Israel, Italy, Malta, Portugal, and Spain during the first six months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, these Mediterranean countries shared similarities in terms of health system resources, which were low compared to the EU/OECD average. We distill key policy insights regarding the governance tools adopted to manage the pandemic, the means to secure sufficient physical infrastructure and workforce capacity and some financing and coverage aspects. We performed a qualitative analysis of the evidence reported to the ‘Health System Response Monitor’ platform of the European Observatory by country experts. We found that governance in the early stages of the pandemic was undertaken centrally in all the Mediterranean countries, even in Italy and Spain where regional authorities usually have autonomy over health matters. Stretched public resources prompted countries to deploy “flexible” intensive care unit capacity and health workforce resources as agile solutions. The private sector was also utilized to expand resources and health workforce capacity, through special public-private partnerships. Countries ensured universal coverage for COVID-19-related services, even for groups not usually entitled to free publicly financed health care, such as undocumented migrants. We conclude that flexibility, speed and adaptive management in health policy responses were key to responding to immediate needs during the COVID-19 pandemic. Financial barriers to accessing care as well as potentially higher mortality rates were avoided in most of the countries during the first wave. Yet it is still early to assess to what extent countries were able to maintain essential services without undermining equitable access to high quality care.
Since the creation of the National Health Service (NHS) in Portugal, in 1979, dental care is neither provided nor funded by the NHS. Thus, most dental care is paid through out-of-pocket payments, either by patients themselves or through voluntary health insurance or health subsystems. In 2008 the government created the dental voucher targeting children, pregnant women, elderly who receive social benefits, and certain patient groups (HIV/AIDS patients and those who need early intervention due to oral cancer), to be used in private dentists who contracted with the programme. The reform was well received by the different stakeholders, especially dentists and beneficiaries, and the impact of the dental voucher in access and coverage of dental care in Portugal is positive: from May 2008 until December 2017, dental voucher reached 3.3 million NHS users in Portugal and dental care indicators have dramatically improved over the last ten years. Aiming to implement dental care provision within the NHS, the Ministry of Health has announced the foreseen integration of dentists in primary healthcare units, although the current budget constraints might hamper this possibility.
The time and type of the States' responses to the COVID‐19 pandemic varied with the severity of the epidemiological situation, the perceived risk, the political organisation and the model of health system of the country. We discuss the response of Germany, Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and the United Kingdom during the first months of the COVID‐19 epidemic in 2020, considering the political organisation of the country and its health system model. We analyse public health measures implemented to contain or mitigate the pandemic, as well as those related to governance, resources and reorganisation of services, financing mechanisms, response of the health system itself and health outcomes. To measure the burden of COVID‐19, we use several indicators. The adoption of measures, to contain and mitigate epidemic varied in degree and time of adoption. All countries reorganised their governance structure and the provision of care, despite the differences in political models and health systems (ranging from a more unitary and centralised political organisational model—France and Portugal; to a decentralised matrix—Germany, Spain, Italy and the United Kingdom). Rather than the differences in political models and health systems, the explanation for the success in tackling the epidemic seems to lay in other social determinants of health.
In Portugal, the National Health Service (NHS) assures universal access to medical treatment and care that is free at the point of delivery - except for relatively small user charges. Freedom of choice is limited and competition between the public and the private sectors is almost non-existent. In May 2016, the Ministry of Health introduced a new law that facilitates the referral of NHS users from primary healthcare units to outpatient consultations in NHS hospitals outside of the referral area. However, for inpatient care, patients are still bound to receive treatment within their referral area, which is determined by place of residence. The aim of the reform was to provide a timelier response to citizens' health needs and to increase efficiency. According to preliminary data from June 2016 to May 2017, 10.6% of all outpatient referrals from NHS primary health care units were made to an NHS hospital out of the referral area, with the highest proportion in the Lisbon (15.8%) region. In general, median waiting time for first outpatient consultation increased after the introduction of choice in the five specialties with the highest proportions of out-of-area referrals - but it reduced in two departments with the longest waiting times prior to the reform. The reform constitutes a major change to the relationship between NHS hospitals, with foreseeable consequences in hospital funding and the patients' perception of hospital quality.
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