This article appeared in a journal published by Elsevier. The attached copy is furnished to the author for internal non-commercial research and education use, including for instruction at the authors institution and sharing with colleagues.Other uses, including reproduction and distribution, or selling or licensing copies, or posting to personal, institutional or third party websites are prohibited. Although previous research on apologies has shown that apologies can have many beneficial effects on victims' responses, the dyadic nature of the apology process has largely been ignored. As a consequence, very little is known about the congruence between perpetrators' willingness to apologize and victims' willingness to receive an apology. In three experimental studies we showed that victims mainly want to receive an apology after an intentional transgression, whereas perpetrators want to offer an apology particularly after an unintentional transgression. As expected, these divergent apologetic needs among victims and perpetrators were mediated by unique emotions: guilt among perpetrators and anger among victims. These results suggest that an apology serves very different goals among victims and perpetrators, thus pointing at an apology mismatch.
We report three studies addressing the relevance of organizational nostalgia for the meaning that employees ascribe to their work (work meaning). We hypothesized, and found, that organizational nostalgia enhances work meaning and thereby reduces turnover intentions. In Study 1, an employee survey, spontaneously experienced organizational nostalgia was associated with higher work meaning. In Study 2, an organizational-nostalgia induction increased work meaning, which subsequently predicted lowered turnover intentions. In Study 3, an organizational-nostalgia induction increased work meaning and thereby lowered turnover intentions, especially among employees who reported relatively high levels of burnout. When burnout is high, organizational nostalgia functions as a rich source of meaning that benefits employees' work experience. The Moderating Role of Burnout Most people have a strong need for meaningful work (Cartwright & Holmes, 2006; Pratt & Ashford, 2003;Steger, Littman-Ovadia, Miller, Menger, & Rothmann, 2013). Work meaning entails perceiving one's work as significant and meeting the psychological needs for personal growth and purpose (i.e., eudaimonic wellbeing). It entails a combination of experiencing positive meaning in one's work (i.e., the sense that one's work matters and is meaningful), seeing one's work as a path toward making meaning (i.e., the sense that one's work deepens understanding of one's self and the world), and perceiving one's work to contribute to the greater good (i.e., the sense that one can have a broader, positive impact on others through one's work) (Steger, Dik, & Duffy, 2012).Work meaning confers benefits to employees and their organization. For example, it fosters the sense that work is a key part of one's identity and a vital contributor to well-being (Arnold, Turner, Barling, Kelloway, & McKee, 2007;Harpaz & Fu, 2002). Employees who derive meaning from their work report greater job satisfaction, work unit cohesion, and organizational commitment (Kamdron, 2005;Nord, Brief, Atieh, & Doherty, 1990;Sparks & Schenk, 2001;Steger et al., 2012). On the other hand, low work meaning is associated with high turnover (Steger et al., 2012).With mounting evidence pointing to the merits of work meaning for employees and organizations, it becomes critical to understand its sources. In this article, we focus on one such source: organizational nostalgia. We propose that organizational nostalgia increases work meaning and, by so doing, lowers turnover intentions. We further argue that, if organizational nostalgia replenishes work meaning, it should be particularly beneficial to employees with depleted psychological resources, that is, those with high levels of burnout.Next, we present the rationale for these predictions. Organizational NostalgiaAccording to The New Oxford Dictionary of English (1998), nostalgia is "a sentimental longing or wistful affection for the past" (p. 1266). Nostalgic recollections typically involve important personal experiences or landmark events from one's lif...
We conducted an integrative data analysis to examine the hedonic character of nostalgia. We combined positive and negative affect measures from 41 experiments manipulating nostalgia ( N = 4,659). Overall, nostalgia inductions increased positive and ambivalent affect, but did not significantly alter negative affect. The magnitude of nostalgia’s effects varied markedly across different experimental inductions of the emotion. The hedonic character of nostalgia, then, depends on how the emotion is elicited and the benchmark (i.e., control condition) to which it is compared. We discuss implications for theory and research on nostalgia and emotions in general.
This research integrates the discrete emotion of nostalgia (a sentimental longing for the past) with relational models of procedural justice. An organizational survey and four experiments demonstrated that nostalgia buffers (i.e., weakens) the deleterious impact of low (compared to high) procedural justice on organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) and cooperation with authorities. Low procedural justice undermined social connectedness with authorities, and nostalgia's buffering role derived from its capacity to block the pathway from this reduced social connectedness to decreased OCB and cooperation. This research presents the first evidence that a discrete emotion-nostalgia-functions as a resource that aids individuals in coping with low procedural justice. Nostalgia thus facilitates cooperation even with authorities and organizations that display low procedural justice.
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