The mediation of work practices by information and communication technologies enables knowledge workers to telework from remote non-office locations such as their homes, or to work nomadically from multiple locations in a day. This paper uses data from the American Time Use Survey to explore the relationship between daily work locations and travel in the United States from 2003 to 2017. Outcome variables include travel duration and travel during peak periods. Home is by far the most common non-office work location, but working from other people's homes, cafés/libraries, vehicles, and combinations of multiple locations are also measured. Findings show that working from home only on a day (full-day telework) decreases daily travel duration and increases the likelihood of avoiding peak hour travel for both work and non-work related travel. However, for homeworkers who also conduct work from their workplace on the same day (part-day telework), there is no reduction in daily travel time, and avoiding peak hour travel is limited to work-related travel. Working from other locations such as cafés/libraries or vehicles increases the likelihood of not traveling at peak hours. Findings also indicate that morning peak periods are more affected by work location decisions than evening peak periods. A survival analysis of daily departure times for both full-day and part-day homeworkers provides insight into this mechanism. We conclude on the basis of these findings that demand management policies and peak avoidance incentives would be more effective if they encourage both temporal and spatial flexibility for employees when partnering with regional employers.
Stay-at-home policies in response to COVID-19 transformed high-volume arterials and highways into lower-volume roads, and reduced congestion during peak travel times. To learn from the effects of this transformation on traffic safety, an analysis of crash data in Ohio’s Franklin County, U.S., from February to May 2020 is presented, augmented by speed and network data. Crash characteristics such as type and time of day are analyzed during a period of stay-at-home guidelines, and two models are estimated: (i) a multinomial logistic regression that relates daily volume to crash severity; and (ii) a Bayesian hierarchical logistic regression model that relates increases in average road speeds to increased severity and the likelihood of a crash being fatal. The findings confirm that lower volumes are associated with higher severity. The opportunity of the pandemic response is taken to explore the mechanisms of this effect. It is shown that higher speeds were associated with more severe crashes, a lower proportion of crashes were observed during morning peaks, and there was a reduction in types of crashes that occur in congestion. It is also noted that there was an increase in the proportion of crashes related to intoxication and speeding. The importance of the findings lay in the risk to essential workers who were required to use the road system while others could telework from home. Possibilities of similar shocks to travel demand in the future, and that traffic volumes may not recover to previous levels, are discussed, and policies are recommended that could reduce the risk of incapacitating and fatal crashes for continuing road users.
This study examined the incidence of injurious and fatal pedestrian crashes for lower-income and affluent communities in Broward and Palm Beach counties, FL, finding notable differences in the environmental risk factors for these populations. In lower-income areas, pedestrian deaths and injuries increased with traffic volumes, multilane streets, and restaurants and shopping centers. They decreased with the presence of raised medians, which can serve as a refuge island for crossing pedestrians. These variables all suggest that, at least in lower-income areas, pedestrian death and injury was associated with difficulties safely accessing household-supporting destinations. For affluent areas, the factors associated with increased pedestrian death and injury were those relating to recreation and nightlife—specifically, bars and clubs, hotels, and restaurants. Neither traffic volumes nor multilane roads proved to be meaningfully related to increased pedestrian death or injury in affluent areas. Perhaps most notably, higher concentrations of Black populations were strongly related to increased pedestrian death and injury, even after accounting for differences in income. Considered as a whole, these results suggest that pedestrian crash risk, like much else in U.S. society, is strongly intertwined with broader issues of racial and income inequality. Attempts to address the safety of the transportation system’s most vulnerable users need to move beyond asserting that any pedestrian project constitutes a safety enhancement, and to begin to more meaningfully account for social vulnerabilities associated with race and income.
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