Background:Two years on from the inaugural Active Healthy Kids Australia (AHKA) Physical Activity Report Card, there has been little to no change with the majority of Australian children still insufficiently active.Methods:The 2016 AHKA Report Card was developed using the best available national- and state-based physical activity data, which were evaluated by the AHKA Research Working Group using predetermined weighting criteria and benchmarks to assign letter grades to the 12 Report Card indicators.Results:In comparison with 2014, Overall Physical Activity Levels was again assigned a D- with Organized Sport and Physical Activity Participation increasing to a B (was B-) and Active Transport declining to a C- (was C). The settings and sources of influence again performed well (A- to a C+), however Government Strategies and Investments saw a decline (C+ to a D). The traits associated with physical activity were also graded poorly (C- to a D).Conclusions:Australian youth are insufficiently active and engage in high levels of screen-based sedentary behaviors. While a range of support structures exist, Australia lacks an overarching National Physical Activity Plan that would unify the country and encourage the cultural shift needed to face the inactivity crisis head on.
The resurgence of oligarchies in England's provincial towns during the fifteenth century and their firm control over almost all aspects of civic life during the sixteenth century has received considerable attention and is apparently beyond dispute. The characteristic feature of this oligarchical control was the domination of the important civic offices by urban dynasties whose members practiced the most influential and lucrative trades, were the most affluent citizens, and were linked by close family ties. Comparatively few studies have been made of officeholders of the seventeenth century, especially for the period after 1660, yet the evidence so far accumulated suggests that officeholding remained the exclusive privilege of a closed social elite. Nevertheless, Norwich may provide an instructive exception. An examination of the pool of men eligible for political office in Norwich, the largest provincial capital, indicates that the door to political office was open to men of diverse social backgrounds and occupations to a greater extent than during the sixteenth century and apparently much more so than in the other large provincial capitals.Oligarchy may be defined as the possession and exercise of power by a few individuals either directly, as a consequence of holding the important political offices, or indirectly, as a consequence of controlling recruitment of officeholders and influencing their decisions. In the former case, which was the general pattern establishsed in those fifteenth and sixteenth-century towns which remained free from the intervention of territorial magnates, oligarchy implies further that the magistrates have either the exclusive privilege of appointing their own replacements or the ability to manipulate the mechanism of political recruitment involving a wider electorate through control of the processes of nomination and election of officeholders.
By the kindness of Mr. Edward Lloyd of the Winns, Walthamstow, I am enabled to exhibit a very remarkable Anglo-Saxon knife lately found in excavating for the foundations of a house which he is building at Sittingbourne, Kent.In general form the knife is of a well-known type, and closely resembles one found in Lad Lane in the city of London, and engraved by Mr. C. Roach Smith in his Collectanea Antiqua. The total length is 12¾ inches, and the extreme breadth 1⅜ inch. The tang for insertion in the handle is 3½ inches long, and there is a shoulder at its junction with the blade both at the back and the edge.
The nonoperation of antipornography statutes in four states (Maine, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Washington) for varying periods between 1973 and 1986 provided an opportunity to examine the impact of such statutes and pornography availability on sex crimes because nonenforcement is associated with an increase in the availability of sexually explicit materials. Arrests for property offenses and for rape, prostitution, and other sex offenses during the period before the suspension of the laws, when compared with the period during suspension, reflected no significant changes. Findings are consistent with other foreign and American studies that have failed to find a link between exposure to sexually explicit media materials and rates of reports of rape and other sex offenses.
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