Dutch is currently undergoing a 'resemanticisation' of its pronominal gender, in which syntactic agreement is replaced with a system in which pronouns are chosen in accordance with the degree of individuation of the antecedent. Current accounts of resemanticisation link the process to the extent to which the three-way nominal gender distinctions are still entrenched. Using experimental data gathered with speeded grammaticality judgements from speakers of both Netherlandic and Belgian varieties of Dutch, of German, and of German learners of Dutch, we unambiguously relate the rise of semantic agreement in Dutch to an increased uncertainty with respect to grammatical gender. In addition, reaction time measurements suggest that an agreement system with a strong propensity towards grammatical agreement allows for faster processing of agreement relations than systems in which semantic agreement plays a larger role. Zusammenfassung: Im Niederländischen findet zurzeit eine 'Resemantisierung' des pronominalen Genus statt, durch die syntaktische Kongruenz zunehmend durch ein System ersetzt wird, in dem die Wahl pronominaler Formen vom Grad der Individuierung des Antezedenten abhängt. Es wurde vermutet, dass der Prozess mit dem Grad der Verankerung (entrenchment) des Drei-Genera-Systems zusammenhängt. Anhand von Grammatikalitätsurteilen unter Zeitdruck (speeded grammaticality judgements) mit Sprechern niederländischer und belgischer Varietäten und mit Sprechern des Deutschen durchgeführt, sowie auch mit deutschen Niederländischlernern, demonstrieren wir eindeutig den Zusammenhang zwischen der Zunahme semantischer Kongruenz und einer Unsicherheit in Bezug auf das grammatische Genus. Darüber hinaus sprechen die Analysen der Reaktionszeiten dafür, dass sein stark grammatisch basiertes Genussystem eine schnellere Verarbeitung von Kongruenzbeziehungen erlaubt als ein System, in dem semantische Kongruenz eine größere Rolle spielt.
Both in Dutch and to a lesser extent in German, pronouns can agree with a noun’s lexical gender or be chosen on semantic grounds. It is well-known that for non-human antecedents, Dutch seems to be shifting towards a more semantic system, via a process labelled ‘hersemantisering’, in which gender marking on the pronoun increasingly depends on the degree of individuation of the antecedent. This article presents a psycholinguistic investigation on how German learners of Dutch as a foreign language (NVT), who distinguish between three nominal genders in their native language, handle the Dutch gender system, which has largely lost its three-way nominal gender, and in which resemanticisation has progressed significantly. More specifically, a speeded grammaticality judgement task (GJ) was used in conjunction with a sentence completion task to examine the German NVT-learners’ perception as well as the production of pronominal gender in the L2 (in this case Dutch). It was found that German learners of Dutch judge more combinations of pronouns and their antecedents to be grammatical than they actually use. However, unlike in Flanders and the Netherlands, grammatical gender still trumps semantic gender, which we explain as a L1 transfer effect. In addition, the role of participants’ proficiency in Dutch is discussed.
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