On the basis of an extensive sample of European source material, the article investigates the meaning and importance of 'culture' in cultural nationalism. The author argues that European cultural nationalism in the nineteenth century followed a separate dynamic and chronology from political nationalism. Cultural nationalism involved an intense cross-border traffic of ideas and intellectual initiatives, and its participating actors often operated extraterritorially and in multi-national intellectual networks. This means that cultural nationalism needs to be studied on a supranational comparative basis rather than country-by-country, concentrating on the exchange and transfer of ideas and activities. A working model is proposed which may serve to bring these ideas and activities into focus.
Artykuł przedstawia teorię i metodę imagologii, dyskursywnego studium etnotypów (stereotypowych atrybucji charakteru narodowego). Imagologia posiada znaczącą renomę historyczną i akademicką, ale w świetle ostatnich ustaleń konieczne są przeformułowania, które obejmują: [a] zamianę kategoryzacji tradycji literackich z narodowo-modułowej na podejście polisystemowe; [b] upadek fikcji drukowanej jako przodującego medium narracyjnego na rzecz filmu, telewizji i innych mediów; [c] uświadomienie sobie, że etnotypy często funkcjonują w przysłoniętej formie (wykorzystane ironicznie lub jako „meta-obrazy”, lub ich obecność jest „banalna” albo znajduje się w tle, jako chwilowo zapomniana rama); [d] nowe „krzyżujące się” ujęcie kształtowania się tożsamości; [e] upadek eurocentryzmu i powstanie postnacjonalizmu. Te nowe wyzwania wymagają dopasowania do analizy imagologicznej, a obecny klimat polityki tożsamościowej także zdradza ciągłą, pilną potrzebę, by zwrócić uwagę na to, co pozostaje samym sednem zainteresowania imagologii: dekonstruowanie dyskursu esencjalizmu narodowego i etnicznego.
In the Middle Ages the great contrast was not, as it had been in antiquity, between the city and the country (urbs and rus, as the Romans put it) but between nature and culture, expressed in terms of the "opposition between what was built, cultivated, and inhabited (city, castle, village) and what was essentially wild (the ocean and forest, the western equivalents of the eastern desert), that is, between men who lived in groups and those who lived in solitude." 1 Culture and Civility, Wildness and Wilderness History and the social sciences are linked in a close but often slightly uneasy relationship. If in the following pages I address the historical or political impact of sociocultural attitudes concerning wildness and civility, I address an overlap between these two spheres of scholarship, where different, sometimes incompatible methodological presuppositions apply. In the end, therefore, we shall have to face the question whether this type of topic aims to give historical or social-scientific information and what the difference is between those two. Meanwhile, the interest of this kind of topic is manifest, and the fact that social-scientific and historical interest can be combined fruitfully has been amply proven by many illustrious scholars.
Intellectuals were important to the spread of nationalist ideology in nineteenth-century Europe for a variety of reasons. Firstly, their works facilitated the international spread of the discourse of nationalism; secondly, they mediated between the fields of political institutions and cultural reflection. This article looks at the international mobility and networks of romantic-nationalist intellectuals, and uses the case of August Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-1874) as an example. The starting pointNationalism and national movements in nineteenth-century Europe were not generated wholly from within the bosom of a pre-existing ethnic group or from within the infrastructures of their states or societies of origin. The rise of nationalism and of national consciousness-raising was, to an important extent, a transnational process (Leerssen 2008; Thiesse 1999). The communication of ideas, inspirations and ideals that constituted the spread and propagation of national ideologies crossed borders and frontiers. Nationalism spread and propagated itself by way of the communication of ideas, not only within the ethnic group, state or society of origin but between and across them as well -much like the dissemination of any intellectual trend or ideology, from Calvinism to romanticism to communism to feminism. The issueWhile traditionally the social and political analysis of national movements has concentrated on internal factors (and who would want to deny the importance of the institutional, social and political settings within which nationalism takes hold?), a counterbalance to internalism is necessary. The external factors of developing nationalism involve at least three types of processes.
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