next 3 years. This prolonged increase in risk is similar to that seen in low-incidence countries, 8 suggesting that even in this high-burden setting, reactivation rather than reinfection dominates the risk in these initial years. Together, these results support giving preventive treatment to adult household contacts in high-incidence settings. Moreover, household interventions provide a platform for delivering preventive treatment in adults, who are already being assessed as part of contact investigations and whose children or younger siblings might already be receiving preventive treatment. Comprehensive approaches that actively detected, prevented, and treated all forms of tuberculosis were key to pronounced declines in tuberculosis in New York in the 1990s 9 and in Alaska decades earlier. 10 Achieving the Sustainable Development Goal of ending the global tuberculosis epidemic by 2030 will require proactive use of the full arsenal of interventions available today, and rapid integration of innovation, to promptly reach high-risk and vulnerable populations with preventive and curative treatments. 11,12 Tuberculosis has long been recognised as a disease linked to inequality; active casefinding strategies that promote equity are essential to disrupt that link.
On the basis of fieldwork in Kinshasa, this essay makes a link between riots, the recent anthropology of "surplus populations," and distributive politics in low-income countries, especially Africa. Tracing the history of a political demonstration turned riot, it shows how distribution structures the interactions between rich and poor in the city. Situating the riot in a context in which subjects are dependent on the market for goods but are not able to sell their labor, the essay shows the riot to be a rational intervention in a place where elites do not see popular support as especially important and where occupying space and controlling circulation and distribution are the primary political-economic imperatives.Night in Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is 2011, in the run-up to elections. Sitting in a bar beneath trees, I hear a murmur, then a roar, then an angry crowd surging along the road beyond, then gunfire. The crowd, in response, runs back along the route it came as a hand pulls me from behind back into the building. The crowd has come from down the road in Ebende-a township built by the Belgians to house industrial workers. 1 Like many of Kinshasa's outlying areas, Ebende is now associated with poverty and violence. The crowd was trying to get to Malolé, which is even poorer. Ebende boasts the remnants of formal infrastructure, while Malolé has mud roads and an electricity supply even worse than in the rest of this giant city, where many are without power for months on end. The crowd of bana Ebende (literally "children of Ebende," here referring to the inhabitants of an area) is trying to get to (and destroy) the house of Likala, a onetime judo champion who, since 2010, has been a prominent member of the youth league of the Partie du Peuple pour la Reconstruction et la Démocratie (PPRD), the main ruling party behind (now former) President Joseph Kabila.Earlier that day, Likala had played a prominent role in a small demonstration where a number of young men had accompanied Desiré, a proregime candidate, to make gifts to a supportive church in Ebende. These demonstrators had been paid US$25 each to attend the rally. This was part of a general pattern in which regime figures pay poor young men-known as sportifs because they practice martial arts such as judo and boxing-to support their demonstrations and to intimidate and attack rivals. Centered on an electoral district, here called Calvare, this paper is about a paid-for demonstration and a subsequent riot during election time and, in a wider sense, about distributive politics in very large, very poor cities.Recent scholarship has argued that narratives of development are invariably based on a false premise: that those dispossessed by "modernization" will be drawn into the social fold through industrialization and a resultant expansion of wage labor (Denning 2010;Ferguson 2015;Li 2010Li , 2017. Evidence suggests that this story is no longer true. In most parts of the developing world, wage labor has been declining, eithe...
Focused on London, this article looks at the ideology and practice of Congolese nationalism in exile, and at the ideas of home, belonging and return connected with this. Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) migrants came to Western Europe escaping violence and economic and political collapse but, for a long time, the imaginative concentration of the diaspora was not on politics, but on a consumer-based version of the good life. This article traces how this changed in the 2000s with the diaspora becoming a focus for violent and racialized forms of nationalism. Tracing this evolution historically, we look at how the practices and ideologies of ‘return’ and ‘home’ have come to express this transformation of exile nationalism.
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