The end of the Cold War had profoundly affected Brazilian military thought, and, consequently, military planning and development, by the late 1990s. Recent evidence suggests that the Brazilian military is increasingly concerned with threats to national sovereignty putatively posed by international organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and the most industrialized countries. Moreover, the Brazilian military sees such threats as likely to be clothed in the guise of "idealistic" concerns, including the protection of aboriginal (and other human) rights, and the protection of the environment. The traditional military preoccupation with the Brazilian Amaz6nia has clearly been intensified by these perceptions. While low-intensity conflict with traffickers in contraband and with guerrillas remains a central concern in military planning for the region, there is increasing discussion by key military officers of larger threats. Reinforced by NATO's attack on Yugoslavia, a new, post-Cold War era in Brazilian military thought appears to be taking shape, one in which defense against direct threats to national sovereignty, principally in the vast Amazon region, has become a central tenet. Brazil's new "Policy for National Defense," and its creation of a civilian-led Ministry of Defense, should be seen in this new context.

O artigo chama a atenção para um aspecto até aqui pouco reconhecido nas análises sobre as ditaduras militares latino-americanas: a influência do ideário francês da guerre révolutionnaire, desenvolvido pelo exército colonial em sua ação na Argélia nos anos 50. As evidências contidas no artigo contrariam as teses de autores como Joseph Comblin, que defendem a influência doutrinária norte-americana como o principal fator ideológico atuante nos anos 60 e 70 entre os militares do Brasil, Chile e Argentina. O trabalho procura acompanhar com detalhe a evolução e aplicação dessas idéias no seio das Forças Armadas brasileiras entre 1959 e 1975.

An aspect of analyses of the Latin American military dictatorships that has so far been little recognized is the influence of the French concept of the guerre révolutionnaire (revolutionary war) developed by that country’s colonial army when engaged in Algeria in the 1950s. Evidence of this influence contradicts the view that U.S. doctrine was the main ideological factor affecting the military leaders of Brazil, Chile, and Argentina in the 1960s and 1970s. Há um aspeto, até agora pouco reconhecido, das análises das ditaduras militares do Cono Sul do século XX, é a influência do conceito francês da guerre révolutionnaire (guerra revolucionária), desenvolvido pelo exército colonial desse país na época da luta algeriana de independência. A evidência de tal influência contradiz a concepção da doutrina estadunidense ser o fator ideológico principal compartilhado pelos chefes militares brasileiros, chilenos e argentinos das décadas de 1960 e 1970.

Este artigo estuda o impacto da Revolução Cubana sobre as relações interamericanas entre 1959 e 1964 e, especificamente, a herança deixada pela teoria da contra-insurreição, exportada com entusiasmo durante o governo Kennedy. Nesse período, a América Latina figurou com destaque na pauta do Departamento de Estado e do Pentágono, o que se expressou na multiplicação da ajuda militar americana e no reforço do papel anti-subversão, historicamente desempenhado pelos militares da área. Ao contrário, nos próprios Estados Unidos, o emprego das chamadas Forças Especiais foi problemático, gerando resistências e tensões dentro das Forças Armadas.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. Center for Latin American Studies at the University ofMiami is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 21:02:35 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions After Pinochet: Civilian Policies Toward the Military in the 1990s Chilean Democracy Comparing the Aylwin and Frei administrations, this article probes the question of why civilian authorities did not always use the legal and political tools they had acquired to respond to the military's institutional and political demands. Actors' preferences, leadership style, and strategic decisions influence the way civilian leaders use those tools. Civilian responses have important and sometimes unintended consequences for the stabilization of the civil-military relationship in new democratic regimes. The Brazilian Military Under Cardoso: Overcoming the Identity Crisis In Brazil, an era of military confusion and dissatisfaction that followed the end of the Cold War has largely dissipated since the mid-1990s. Despite scarce federal resources under current economic policies, the Cardoso government has managed to eliminate the most immediate budgetary causes of military unrest. Military authoritarian influence remains, moreover, in areas such as Amazonia. The military's own efforts, the president's moral and economic support, and the legislature's traditional apathy toward relevant issues have fostered a new form of military influence in the Brazilian democracy. After Pinochet: Civilian Policies Toward the Military in the 1990s Chilean Democracy Comparing the Aylwin and Frei administrations, this article probes the question of why civilian authorities did not always use the legal and political tools they had acquired to respond to the military's institutional and political demands. Actors' preferences, leadership style, and strategic decisions influence the way civilian leaders use those tools. Civilian responses have important and sometimes unintended consequences for the stabilization of the civil-military relationship in new democratic regimes. The Brazilian Military Under Cardoso: Overcoming the Identity Crisis In Brazil, an era of military confusion and dissatisfaction that followed the end of the Cold War has largely dissipated since the mid-1990s. Despite scarce federal resources under current economic policies, the Cardoso government has managed to eliminate the most immediate budgetary causes of military unrest. Military authoritarian influence remains, moreover, in areas such as Amazonia. The military's own efforts, the president's moral and economic support, and th...

L’article concerne la pertinence du concept de « dictature civile-militaire » qui, ces dernières années, a remplacé celui de « dictature militaire » pour caractériser le régime en vigueur au Brésil de 1964 à 1985. Dans cette perspective, je souhaite retrouver l’histoire de ce nouveau concept pour ensuite le discuter sur plusieurs de ses versants. Je montrerai notamment comment on ne peut se satisfaire de cette nouvelle caractérisation qui s’est imposée du fait de l’absence d’une discussion théorique plus ample.

The purpose of this article is to analyse British media coverage of the Brazilian dictatorship. Specifically, we examine coverage by the weekly news magazine The Economist in the period from the promulgation of Institutional Act 5 in December 1968, to 1975, the second year of the Geisel administration. We compare its coverage with that of The Times and The Guardian in order to reach an understanding of its portrayal of Brazil in terms of two themes in particular: economic performance (notably the ‘Brazilian miracle’), and political repression. We relate the latter theme to the international condemnations of torture, and the disappearance of political prisoners. Furthermore, given that The Economist mainly covers issues from an economic perspective, we examine shifts in the frequency and content of articles about Brazil, and conclude that The Economist’s portrayal of Brazil in the period under review deviated from that of much of the rest of the British Press.

Carlos and coordinator of the university's Military Politics Archive. He has published various books on the military regime of 1964-1985 and several articles on the Brazilian military after the cold war. He is currently researching the relation of technology, the armed forces, and society in the Brazilian navy from a historical perspective. They appreciate the helpful comments of Rosalind Bresnahan and Paulo Fontes on this introduction. The collective thanks them for organizing this issue.