Abstract. Borehole core provides detailed vertical data which is used to interpret
subsurface sand body architectures, but assumptions are made on the
relationship between the lateral and vertical thickness, and the
interconnectivity of units. The sedimentological complexity of the Sherwood
Sandstone Group succession in this area, passing between aeolian and fluvial
packages creates local- to regional-scale heterogeneities which will impact
flow pathways within the rockmass. Measured thickness in boreholes might
represent an architectural element's true maximum thickness or more likely,
a partial thickness as a result of incision by overlying facies types or as
a result of the borehole sitting towards the margins of individual elements
(e.g. tapering margin of channel elements). Length and thickness data were
measured from a suite of primary core data and secondary published outcrop
studies in north-west England. The addition of outcrop studies in
combination with the borehole data provides a dataset from which the likely
lateral extent of the architectural frameworks within the Triassic
sandstones can be extrapolated. The interpreted high resolution sub-seismic
architecture contributes to an increased understanding of flow pathways and
the effect these may have on groundwater as well as sustainable energy
technologies such as low-temperature geothermal aquifers, carbon storage and
energy storage.
Professor Skene presents two arguments for legalising payments for egg donation . First of all, embryos are needed for important research that has the potential to save many lives and cure terrible diseases, and the only feasible way of obtaining the great number of embryos that are needed is to pay women for their eggs. The second argument is that donating eggs is onerous and invasive and it is only fair to pay women for undergoing this ordeal. Payment, she says, counts as compensation; women are not selling their eggs.The two arguments do not sit well together. The first proposes payment in order to bring supply in line with demand -surely a form of commercialisation. The second proposes payment based on risk, time and trouble. The reason for making such a payment would exist even if plenty of eggs were being donated. Since Skene is, above all, concerned with increasing the supply of eggs, I will assume that the first argument provides the main justification for her proposal. Despite her disclaimer, selling eggs is what it involves .Skene does not intend to question the 'Australian tradition of altruistic donation and research participation'. But more life saving blood would undoubtedly be donated if people were paid for donation, and people would probably be more prepared to donate kidneys to strangers if they were highly rewarded for their time and trouble . Given the emphasis she places on the good that would be done by paying women for their eggs, it is not clear how she would draw a line between payment for this purpose and paying people for donation of blood, cells, semen, kidne ys, and use of wombs when there is good reason to think that doing so could provide significant benefits . (Whether we represent this payment as a commercial transaction or a compensation for time and trouble is probably not important as long as it has the desired effect.)A response to her proposal thus cannot avoid a reconsideration of the 'Australian tradition'. What, if anything, is wrong with the selling of bodily parts? There are two considerations that seem to me to support a resistance to commercialisation. One is that bodily intimacy is extremely important to most people. How a person uses her body and how she allows her body to be used are forms of self-expression that are intrinsically tied to her self-conception and the value she puts on her relationships with others. This is why rape is the violation of a person and not merely a crime of property. This is one
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