Despite free of charge biomedical treatment, the cost burden of Buruli ulcer disease (Bu) hospitalisation in Central Cameroon accounts for 25% of households' yearly earnings, surpassing the threshold of 10%, which is generally considered catastrophic for the household economy, and calling into question the sustainability of current Bu programmes. The high non-medical costs and productivity loss for Bu patients and their households make household involvement in the healing process unsustainable. 63% of households cease providing social and financial support for patients as a coping strategy, resulting in the patient's isolation at the hospital. Social isolation itself was cited by in-patients as the principal cause for abandonment of biomedical treatment. These findings demonstrate that further research and investment in Bu are urgently needed to evaluate new intervention strategies that are socially acceptable and appropriate in the local context.

BackgroundDespite Vietnam's success in reducing malaria mortality and morbidity over the last decade, malaria persists in the forested and mountainous areas of the central and southern provinces, where more than 50% of the clinical cases and 90% of severe cases and malaria deaths occur.MethodsBetween July 2005 and September 2006, a multi-method study, triangulating a malariometric cross-sectional survey and qualitative data from focused ethnography, was carried out among the Ra-glai ethnic minority in the hilly forested areas of south-central Vietnam.ResultsDespite the relatively high malaria burden among the Ra-glai and their general awareness that mosquitoes can transmit an unspecific kind of fever (84.2%), the use of bed nets, distributed free of charge by the national malaria control programme, remains low at the farmers' forest fields where the malaria risk is the highest. However, to meet work requirements during the labour intensive malaria transmission and rainy season, Ra-glai farmers combine living in government supported villages along the road with a second home or shelter at their slash and burn fields located in the forest. Bed net use was 84.6% in the villages but only 52.9% at the forest fields; 20.6% of the respondents slept unprotected in both places. Such low use may be explained by the low perception of the risk for malaria, decreasing the perceived need to sleep protected. Several reasons may account for this: (1) only 15.6% acknowledged the higher risk of contracting malaria in the forest than in the village; (2) perceived mosquito biting times only partially coincided with Anopheles dirus ss and Anopheles minimus A true biting times; (3) the disease locally identified as 'malaria' was hardly perceived as having an impact on forest farmers' daily lives as they were unaware of the specific kind of fevers from which they had suffered even after being diagnosed with malaria at the health centre (20.9%).ConclusionsThe progressive confinement of malaria to minority groups and settings in the Greater Mekong sub-region implies that further success in malaria control will be linked to research into these specific socio-cultural contexts. Findings highlight the need for context sensitive malaria control policies; not only to reduce the local malaria burden but also to minimize the risk of malaria spreading to other areas where transmission has virtually ceased.

Despite being free of charge, treatment adherence to 7-day primaquine for the radical cure of Plasmodium vivax was estimated at 62.2% among patients along the Iquitos-Nauta road in the Peruvian Amazon. The principal reason for non-adherence was the perceived adverse effects related to local humoral illness conceptions that hold that malaria produces a hot state of body, which is further aggravated by the characteristically hot medical treatment. Notably, patients were willing to adhere to the first 3 days of treatment during which symptoms are most apparent and include the characteristic chills. Nevertheless, as symptoms abate, the perceived aggravating characteristics of the medication outweigh the perceived advantages of treatment adherence. Improving community awareness about the role of primaquine to prevent further malaria transmission and fostering a realistic system of direct observed treatment intake, organized at community level, can be expected to improve adherence to the radical cure of P. vivax in this area.

BackgroundAdherence to effective malaria medication is extremely important in the context of Cambodia’s elimination targets and drug resistance containment. Although the public sector health facilities are accessible to the local ethnic minorities of Ratanakiri province (Northeast Cambodia), their illness itineraries often lead them to private pharmacies selling “cocktails” and artemether injections, or to local diviners prescribing animal sacrifices to appease the spirits.MethodsThe research design consisted of a mixed methods study, combining qualitative (in-depth interviews and participant observation) and quantitative methods (household and cross-sectional survey).ResultsThree broad options for malaria treatment were identified: i) the public sector; ii) the private sector; iii) traditional treatment based on divination and ceremonial sacrifice. Treatment choice was influenced by the availability of treatment and provider, perceived side effects and efficacy of treatments, perceived etiology of symptoms, and patient-health provider encounters. Moreover, treatment paths proved to be highly flexible, changing mostly in relation to the perceived efficacy of a chosen treatment.ConclusionsDespite good availability of anti-malarial treatment in the public health sector, attendance remained low due to both structural and human behavioral factors. The common use and under-dosage of anti-malaria monotherapy in the private sector (single-dose injections, single-day drug cocktails) represents a threat not only for individual case management, but also for the regional plan of drug resistance containment and malaria elimination.

Since the introduction of user fee systems in the government health facilities of most African countries, which shifted part of the burden of financing health care onto the community, affordability of basic health care has been a much discussed topic. It is sometimes assumed that in areas where high levels of spending for traditional treatments are common, people would be able to pay for basic health care at governmental facilities, but may not be willing to do so. However, examining willingness to pay and ability to pay in the broader context of different types of illness and their treatment leads us to a very different conclusion. In the course of a medical-ethnographic study in south-eastern Tanzania, we found evidence that people may indeed be willing, but may nevertheless not be able, to pay for biomedical health care--even when they can afford costly traditional medicine. In this article, we suggest that the ability to pay for traditional treatment can differ from ability to pay for hospital attendance for two main reasons. First, many healers--in contrast to the hospital--offer alternatives to cash payments, such as compensation in kind or in work, or payment on a credit basis. Secondly, and more importantly, the activation of social networks for financial help is different for the two sectors. For the poor in particular, ability to pay for health care depends a great deal on contributions from relatives, neighbours and friends. The treatment of the 'personalistic' type of illness, which is carried out by a traditional healer, involves an extended kin-group, and there is high social pressure to comply with the requirements of the family elders, which may include providing financial support. In contrast, the costs for the treatment of 'normal' illnesses at the hospital are usually covered by the patient him/herself, or a small circle of relatives and friends.