Reviewing decades of thinking regarding the role of the state in economic development, we argue for the continued relevance of the concept of the 'developmental state' . With reference to Argentina, Brazil, Ethiopia, Rwanda and China, we contend that new developmental states are evidence of a move beyond the historical experience of East Asian development. Further, we argue for the applicability of the developmental state framework to key questions of governance, institution building, industrial policy and the extractive industries, as well as to a wide variety of cases of successful and failed state-led development in the early twenty-first century.Development is essentially a record of how one thing leads to another.

The extraction of unconventional oil and gas-from shale rocks, tight sand, and coalbed formations-is shifting the geographies of fossil fuel production, with complex consequences. Following Jackson et al.'s (1) natural science survey of the environmental consequences of hydraulic fracturing, this review examines social science literature on unconventional energy. After an overview of the rise of unconventional energy, the review examines energy economics and geopolitics, community mobilization, and state and private regulatory responses. Unconventional energy requires different frames of analysis than conventional energy because of three characteristics: increased drilling density, low-carbon and "clean" energy narratives of natural gas, and distinct ownership and royalty structures. This review points to the need for an interdisciplinary approach to analyzing the resulting dynamic, multilevel web of relationships that implicate land, water, food, and climate. Furthermore, the review highlights how scholarship on unconventional energy informs the broader energy landscape and contested energy futures. 2.1

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The Chilean governance model of resource extraction challenges the view that post-neoliberalism is an opposing development model rejecting the Washington Consensus, which is constitutive of neoliberal governance. Instead, post-neoliberalism is continuity with change, where marketised governance in mining is maintained by the Chilean state yet certain policy agendas are introduced in response to the failures of staunchly private sector-driven development. Neostructuralism follows the logic of productivism, which emphasise the depoliticisation of copper management and the political exclusion of voices critical of the model. However, it breaks away from the typical mode of neoliberalism because there exist political spaces for contestation of copper policy, particularly through the re-regulation of labour practices and the passage of royalty law to address Chile's vulnerabilities to external factors affecting copper production. The article contributes to the understanding of continuities and changes in post-neoliberal Latin America by unpacking the elements of natural resource governance in one of the most widely cited successful cases of a mining-based development model in the developing world.The euphoric arguments of a post-neoliberal governance regime characterising the new left in Latin America are now widely explored. 1 That these are two opposing governance models marked by a break away from neoliberalism is challenged by the Chilean case, in which the state plays a steering role to promote private sector-led development and public-firm efficiency in the mining sector. Its main feature is a policy of continuity between Pinochet's neoliberal reforms and La Concertacio´n's neostructuralist policies , where the logic of productivism serves as the foundation of copper policy. In the midst of the move towards state-controlled resource governance characterising post-neoliberalism in Latin America, Chile's Jewellord T Nem Singh is a PhD candidate in the