Background:Women comprise 75% of the health workforce in many countries and the majority of students in academic global health tracks but are underrepresented in global health leadership. This study aimed to elucidate prevailing attitudes, perceptions, and beliefs of women and men regarding opportunities and barriers for women’s career advancement, as well as what can be done to address barriers going forward.Methods:This was a convergent mixed-methods, cross-sectional, anonymous, online study of participants, applicants, and those who expressed an interest in the Women Leaders in Global Health Conference at Stanford University October 11–12, 2017. Respondents completed a 26-question survey regarding beliefs about barriers and solutions to addressing advancement for women in global health.Findings:405 participants responded: 96.7% were female, 61.6% were aged 40 or under, 64.0% were originally from high-income countries. Regardless of age or country of origin, leading barriers were: lack of mentorship, challenges of balancing work and home, gender bias, and lack of assertiveness/confidence. Proposed solutions were categorized as individual or meta-level solutions and included senior women seeking junior women for mentorship and sponsorship, junior women pro-actively making their desire for leadership known, and institutions incentivizing mentorship and implementing targeted recruitment to improve diversity of leadership.Interpretation:This study is the first of its kind to attempt to quantify both the barriers to advancement for women leaders in global health as well as the potential solutions. While there is no shortage of barriers, we believe there is room for optimism. A new leadership paradigm that values diversity of thought and diversity of experience will benefit not only the marginalized groups that need to gain representation at the table, but ultimately the broader population who may benefit from new ways of approaching long-standing, intractable problems.
Neonatal mortality is a significant problem in many low-resource countries, yet for every death there are many more newborns who suffer a life-threatening complication but survive. These “near-misses” are not well defined, nor are they well understood. This study sought to explore how health care providers at three tertiary care centers in Ghana (each with neonatal intensive care units (NICUs)) understand the term “near-miss.” Eighteen providers from the NICUs at three teaching hospitals in Ghana (Korle Bu Teaching Hospital in Accra, Komfo Anokye Teaching Hospital in Kumasi, and Cape Coast Teaching Hospital in Cape Coast) were interviewed in depth regarding their perceptions of neonatal morbidity, mortality, and survival. Near the end of the interview, they were specifically asked what they understood the term “near-miss” to mean. Participants included nurses and physicians at various levels and with varying years of practice (mean years of practice = 9.33, mean years in NICU = 3.66). Results indicate that the concept of “near-misses” is not universally understood, and providers differ on whether a baby is a near-miss or not. Providers disagreed on the utility of a near-miss classification for clinical practice, with some suggesting it would be helpful to draw their attention to those at highest risk of dying, with others suggesting that the acuity of illness in a NICU means any baby could become a ‘near-miss’ at any moment. Further efforts are needed to standardize the definitions of neonatal near-misses, including developing criteria that are able to be assessed in a low-resource setting. In addition, further research is warranted to determine the practical implications of using a near miss tool in the process of providing care in a resource-limited setting and whether it might be best reserved as a retrospective indicator of overall quality of care provided.
Previous research has described the evil eye as a source of illness for pregnant women and their newborns. This study sought to explore the perceptions of the evil eye among mothers whose newborns had experienced a life-threatening complication across three regions of Ghana. As part of a larger, quantitative study, trained research assistants identified pregnant and newly delivered women (and their newborns) who had survived a life-threatening complication at three tertiary care hospitals in southern Ghana to participate in open-ended, qualitative interviews about their experiences in March–August 2015. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim into English and analysis using the constant comparative method of theme generation. A total of 37 mothers were interviewed, 20 about neonatal illnesses and 17 about maternal illnesses. Six of the 20 mothers interviewed about their newborn’s illnesses spoke at length about the evil eye being a potential cause of newborn illness. The evil eye was described in a variety of terms, but commonalities included a person looking at a pregnant woman, her newborn baby, the baby’s clothes and even the mother’s food, causing harm, even unintentionally. Prevention required mothers covering themselves while pregnant and keeping the baby away from others until it was old enough to ward off the evil eye. Treatment required traditional medicine, yet some indicated that allopathic medicine could help. The evil eye appears to serve a social control mechanism, encouraging pregnant women to dress modestly, stay indoors as much as possible and behave appropriately. The evil eye is a pervasive, universally understood phenomenon across three regions of Ghana, even amongst a hospitalized population receiving allopathic health care for life-threatening complications of childbirth. Understanding the role of the evil eye in newborn illness attribution is important for clinicians, researchers and programmatic staff to effectively address barriers to care seeking.
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