This study presents a comparative analysis of F1 and F2 vowel frequencies from Pijal Media Lengua (PML) and Imbabura Quichua. Mixed-effects models are used to test Spanish-derived high and low vowels against their Quichua-derived counterparts for statistical significance. Spanish-derived and Quichua-derived high vowels are also tested against Spanish-derived mid vowels. This analysis suggests that PML may be manipulating as many as eight vowels where Spanishderived high and low vowels coexist as near-mergers with their Quichua-derived counterparts, while high and mid vowels coexist with partial overlap. Quichua, traditionally viewed as a three-vowel system, shows similar results and may be manipulating as many as six vowels.
Pijal Media Lengua (pml) is a mixed language described as having Quichua morphosyntactic and phonological systems where nearly every content word (89%), including pronouns and determiners, is replaced by its Spanish-derived counterpart through the process of relexification. pml speakers however, often regard their language as intonationally distinct from both Quichua and Spanish. This paper offers a basic description of the pitch accent and boundary tone configurations found in pml using the autosegmental framework (Pierrehumbert, 1980) in a ToBI transcription system (Silverman, 1984). This paper also explorers the current literature on mixed language phonetics and attempts to promote acoustic analyses of intonation as a useful investigative tool for analyzing the origins of prosodic material. The results suggest that pml predominantly makes use of Quichua-like intonation patterns along with innovative and/or preserved structures.
This study tests the effect of multilingualism and language contact on consonant perception. Here, we explore the emergence of phonological stratification using two alternative forced-choice (2afc) identification task experiments to test listener perception of stop voicing with contrasting minimal pairs modified along a 10-step continuum. We examine a unique language ecology consisting of three languages spoken in Northern Territory, Australia: Roper Kriol (an English-lexifier creole language), Gurindji (Pama-Nyungan), and Gurindji Kriol (a mixed language derived from Gurindji and Kriol). In addition, this study focuses on three distinct age groups: children (group i, 8>), preteens to middle-aged adults (group ii, 10–58), and older adults (group iii, 65+). Results reveal that both Kriol and Gurindji Kriol listeners in group ii contrast the labial series [p] and [b]. Contrarily, while alveolar [t] and velar [k] were consistently identifiable by the majority of participants (74%), their voiced counterparts ([d] and [g]) showed random response patterns by 61% of the participants. Responses to the voiced stimuli from the preteen-adult Kriol group were, however, significantly more consistent than in the Gurindji Kriol group, suggesting Kriol listeners may be further along in acquiring the voicing contrast. Significant results regarding listener exposure to Standard English in both language groups also suggests constant exposure to English maybe a catalyst for setting this change in motion. The more varied responses from the Gurindji, Kriol, and Gurindji Kriol listeners in groups ii and iii, who have little exposure to English, help support these findings.
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