A realist versus nominalist debate within the field of international migration questions whether refugees are fundamentally distinct from immigrants or whether the category is a social construction masking similarities with immigrants. Contemporary refugee and immigrant flows conform to patterns of the world system. However, refugee migrations are caused by changes in the nation-state. Like immigrants, refugees organize migration through social networks, but the composition of their networks and the effects of migration on social identity differ. In a host society, both populations adapt with household economic strategies that secure multiple income sources, although the state plays a greater role in the adaptation of refugees. The partial convergence of two migration forms once presumed opposite reveals general patterns in international migration and adaptation, supporting the nominalist perspective. The remaining differences suggest that refugees are primarily distinguished by their relationship to the state, thus supporting the realist perspective.
Different racial and ethnic minorities are commonly compared across various measures of macrolevel inequality but have thus far not been compared with respect to microlevel inequality. Using data from interviews with forty‐eight Hmong Americans, this article systematically extends Feagin's (1991) analysis of interpersonal discrimination against African Americans to the experiences of everyday racism among a group of foreignborn Asian Americans. Hmong Americans report all of the forms of interpersonal discrimination that Feagin documents for African Americans, suggesting that minorities face a common inequality structure in public face‐to‐face encounters. Nativism and limited English proficiency, two factors that Feagin did not identify as affecting African Americans, are also important components of interpersonal discrimination against Hmong Americans. These additional dimensions of interpersonal discrimination against suggest that macrolevel patterns of racial and ethnic inequality can lead to variation in microlevel inequality.
The social constructionist perspective of ethnicity suggests that international migrants may not consider themselves ethnic minorities even when they objectively hold this status. Interview data from forty Hmong refugee leaders support this thesis. One‐third have an entirely migrant orientation, while few have an entirely minority orientation. However, one‐third are primarily minority in orientation. The migrant orientation prioritizes the ethnic community and problems related to migration. The minority orientation prioritizes relations with U.S. society and problems caused by U.S. institutions. Consistent with findings of prior research, the minority orientation is most common among leaders who have the greatest potential for successful adaptation. But in contrast to prior research, the findings suggest that ethnic awareness among migrants depends not only on attitudes toward assimilation, but also on whether they attribute inequality to their status as newcomers in a host society or to their status as a minority in a racial and ethnic hierarchy.
Political opportunity theory predicts that increased access to the political system benefits social movements by disadvantaged groups. To test this prediction, this paper evaluates the impact of two elected Hmong American officials on social movement campaigns in their community during their time in office. Content analysis of newspaper reports is used to (i) create a sample of nine local, national, and transnational social movement campaigns in the community; and (ii) determine in which of four possible ways the elected officials supported the campaigns: favorable media interviews, speeches at events, event organization, and legislation initiation. Only the two transnational campaigns which mobilized the entire community received all four types of support. The paper concludes that elected officials, even former activists from an ethnic minority community, carefully select the causes they will fully support. After electoral victory, social movements must still actively engage sympathetic politicians in order to turn an opening in the political system into actual access to power.
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