We examined Blacks' and Whites' perceptions of group variability and positivity as well as their beliefs about the extent to which multiculturalism and colorblindness would improve intergroup relations. In two studies, responses to questionnaires indicated that the tendency to endorse multiculturalism more than colorblindness was greater among Blacks than Whites; Blacks consistently endorsed multiculturalism more than colorblindness and Whites endorsed colorblindness more than did Blacks. Both studies also revealed evidence of out-group homogeneity and ethnocentrism. Stronger endorsement of multiculturalism relative to colorblindness predicted stronger stereotypes among Blacks, whereas stronger endorsement of colorblindness relative to multiculturalism predicted stronger stereotypes among Whites. In Study 2, stronger endorsement of multiculturalism relative to colorblindness predicted less ethnocentrism; this relationship did not depend on ethnicity

The Rejection-Identification model (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999) posits that perceived discrimination may lead to increased ingroup identification, which can help maintain psychological well-being in the face of societal devaluation. To address unknown aspects of this model, we examined the effects of perceived personal and group discrimination on the group identification and personal self-esteem of Latino/Latina adolescents. Results showed that perceived group discrimination was related to higher personal self-esteem via direct and indirect routes (i.e. through group identification). However, perceived personal discrimination was directly and indirectly associated with lower personal self-esteem. Moreover, these two levels of discrimination showed interactive effects on both group identification and personal self-esteem. These results highlight the importance of distinguishing between levels of discrimination in the Rejection-Identification model.

We compared 42 transcripts of sexual abuse interviews conducted by child protective services personnel in one state to practices currently recommended by researchers on children's testimony. Although the majority of the interviewers attempted to establish rapport, they rarely conducted practice interviews regarding past, neutral events, and rarely informed children that “I don't know,”“I don't understand,” and “I don't remember” are acceptable answers to questions. Further, the majority of the interviewers failed to begin their abuse-related questioning with general, open-ended questions, instead relying primarily on specific, yes/no questions throughout the interview. Finally, interviewers frequently introduced new material not previously disclosed by the children and failed to clarify the sources of new information.

This article reviews a growing body of social science research indicating that race, ethnicity, and culture can influence the judgments and behaviors of juries. The first section addresses research on jury bias, which shows that jurors often make harsher judgments of defendants from other racial and ethnic groups and are more likely to give death sentences in cases involving Black or Latino defendants and White victims. However, these effects are moderated by several factors related to the trial parties, context, and crime. Further, juror bias often involves subtle or implicit psychological processes that can be difficult to recognize and correct. The second section discusses research conceptualizing jurors as agentic forces whose judgments and behaviors may reflect their racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds. This work shows that jurors' backgrounds may influence their reactions to defendants, trial judgments, and deliberation behaviors. The final section offers recommendations for future research in these areas.