SYNOPSISObjective. We examined correspondence in parents' and children's perceptions of parenting and associations between these perceptions and children's social adjustment in the classroom. Design. The sample included 214 children (M age = 9) from third to fifth grades and their parents. Children and parents reported on parenting behavior. Results. Parents' self-reports and children's reports about parents showed systematic differences, with parents perceiving themselves as more supportive than children perceived them to be. Direction of discrepancy between child and parent reports appeared to be more important than size of discrepancy in predicting child outcomes. Hierarchical regression analyses showed that parents' self-perceptions of parenting and children's perceptions of parenting were predictive of different measures of child psychosocial adjustment. Conclusions. The results of this study support the assumption that parents' self-perceptions and children's perceptions of parenting provide unique views of the family and unique relations to children's psychosocial adjustment.
Thirty 6th-8th-grade students were trained to serve as mediators for peers in conflict. Student mediators were taught conflict resolution and mediation techniques from the Conflict Resolution Unlimited (1995) manual. Mediation was available to students school-wide (N ϭ 798); disputants were given the option to go to mediation or to the principal for resolutions. Mediators' responses to written tests indicated increased knowledge of mediation skills after training, which was maintained at 6-week follow-up. During the 6 weeks following training, 32 of 34 mediations resulted in satisfactory conflict resolution. School-wide suspensions decreased during the intervention year, as compared to 3 years of baseline data. In addition, mediators' own office referrals were lower than a randomly selected matched control group. Further, mediators' current referrals were lower than in the previous year, while there was no such change for the control group. Results and process variables of the implementation are discussed.
Can psychologists earn a living working in sport psychology? The authors surveyed all professional members of American Psychological Association Division 47 and the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology regarding their income and work in sport psychology. Four hundred and thirty-three individuals responded. Sport scientists were more likely to be working in academic settings and had incomes consistent with psychologists in academia. Sport scientists in applied settings were less successful financially. Clinical and counseling psychologists in applied settings were supplementing their incomes through applied sport psychology work. Part-time, supplemental involvement in sport psychology appears more practical today than full-time employment.Sport psychology offers professional psychologists a relatively new area of specialization as well as a potential additional source of income. Professional practice interest in the area has grown in recent years (Hays, 1995), but can a professional psychologist earn a living in this subspecialty?Petrie and Diehl (1995) surveyed 1,000 members of the clinical psychology division of the American Psychological Association (APA) and found that 22% of the respondents had consulted with athletes or teams and that 48% had provided therapy to this population. Reflecting a growing interest in sport psychology, two professional organizations have emerged (APA Division 47, which is the Division of Exercise and Sport Psychology, and the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology ANDREW W. MEYERS received his PhD in clinical psychology from the Pennsylvania State University. He is professor and chairman of the Department of Psychology at The University of Memphis. His applied and research interests focus on addictive behaviors and the psychology of sport, exercise, and health. JENNIFER K. COLEMAN recently received her PhD in clinical psychology from The University of Memphis. She is completing her postdoctoral training as the early childhood mental health consultant on a transdisciplinary team at the Center for Developmental Learning at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. JAMES P. WHELAN received his PhD in clinical psychology from the University of Memphis. He is an associate professor and director of the training clinic in the Department of Psychology at The University of Memphis. His research interests include sport and exercise psychology and the assessment and treatment of problem gambling. ROBYN S. MEHLENBECK received her PhD in clinical psychology from The University of Memphis. She is currently a staff psychologist at Rhode Island Hospital and Saint Anne's Hospital, working with children with medical issues, and is a clinical assistant professor at Brown University School of Medicine.
Two hundred and twenty two children (104 females), 1-8 years of age and young adults, were tested for up to 25 days on five versions of a non-verbal, non-navigational landmark task that had previously been used for monkeys. In monkeys, performance on this task is severely impaired following damage to the parietal cortex. For the basic task, the positive of two identical stimuli concealed a food reward and was designated by spatial proximity of a salient landmark. None of the 1-and 2-year-old children learned the task, i.e., they failed to consistently reach for and displace the positive stimulus in 25 test days. Of the 3-, 4-, and 5-year-old groups, 56%, 70%, and 77% of the children, respectively, mastered the task within 25 days. Children older than 5 and adults rapidly mastered the task. In Experiment #2, all subjects, 1-6 years of age, rapidly mastered a non-relational task when the choice stimulus was attached to the landmark, but the youngest children failed to transfer performance when the landmark was subsequently detached. Children under the age of 5 did not tolerate relational ambiguity as well as adults did. Replications of the first two experiments produced virtually identical results and indicated that the tests have a high degree of reliability. In Experiment #5, there were two distinct proximal landmarks, one of which always designated the positive stimulus. This manipulation did not improve performance of younger children. As compared to results from navigational landmark tasks, results obtained in the Wisconsin General Testing Apparatus (WGTA) indicate a very narrow focus of attention on the response site. Thus, small separations between discriminative cue and response site significantly affect performance, especially in younger children. By comparing the present results with those from monkeys, we speculate that components of the parietal pathways involved with attention and reaching mature between 1 and 5 years of age in children.
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