HIV-positive individuals in the Kabarole region have a much greater desire to stop childbearing than their HIV-negative counterparts. The barriers to utilizing family planning services, as evidenced through the very low use of highly effective contraceptive methods, have to be jointly addressed by HIV/AIDS care/prevention and family planning programs.
BackgroundLittle is known about the fertility desires of HIV infected individuals on highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART). In order to contribute more knowledge to this topic we conducted a study to determine if HIV-infected persons on HAART have different fertility desires compared to persons not on HAART, and if the knowledge about HIV transmission from mother-to-child is different in the two groups.MethodsThe study was a cross-sectional survey comparing two groups of HIV-positive participants: those who were on HAART and those who were not. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 199 HIV patients living in a rural area of western Uganda. The desire for future children was measured by the question in the questionnaire "Do you want more children in future." The respondents' HAART status was derived from the interviews and verified using health records. Descriptive, bivariate and multivariate methods were used to analyze the relationship between HAART treatment status and the desire for future children.ResultsResults from the multivariate logistic regression model indicated an adjusted odds ratio (OR) of 1.08 (95% CI 0.40-2.90) for those on HAART wanting more children (crude OR 1.86, 95% CI 0.82-4.21). Statistically significant predictors for desiring more children were younger age, having a higher number of living children and male sex. Knowledge of the risks for mother-to-child-transmission of HIV was similar in both groups.ConclusionsThe conclusions from this study are that the HAART treatment status of HIV patients did not influence the desire for children. The non-significant association between the desire for more children and the HAART treatment status could be caused by a lack of knowledge in HIV-infected persons/couples about the positive impact of HAART in reducing HIV transmission from mother-to-child. We recommend that the health care system ensures proper training of staff and appropriate communication to those living with HIV as well as to the general community.
Background and methodology This study determined the unmet need for family planning among HIV-positive and HIV-negative individuals living in western Uganda. Semistructured interviews were conducted with individuals who were randomly selected from HIV testing lists. Of those individuals, further analysis was conducted on a subset of 206 participants who did not desire more children and were not using a highly effective method of contraception. Descriptive, bivariate and multivariate methods were performed to assess the relationship between HIV status and unmet need for effective family planning. Results The unmet need for effective family planning was much greater in HIV-infected individuals compared to HIV-negative individuals [75.0% vs 33.8%, adjusted odds ratio (OR) 3.97, 95% confi dence interval (CI) 1. 97-8.03, p<0.001]. Females were more likely to report an unmet need compared to males (69.0% vs 49.5%; adjusted OR 1.94, 95% CI 0.94-4.00, p=0.071). Other predictors of unmet need for effective family planning were older age (adjusted OR 1.08 for each year of age, 95% CI 1.00-1.16, p=0.018) and single/cohabiting vs being married (OR 2.36, 95% CI 1. 16-4.80, p=0.036). Being on antiretroviral therapy was not a predictor of having a lower unmet need for effective family planning methods. Discussion and conclusions There is high unmet need for effective family planning in HIV-positive study participants in a region of western Uganda, which should be of concern. This suggests that HIV-infected individuals do not want to use family planning or encounter barriers to accessing and utilising family planning services. Family planning programmes and HIV care and prevention services have to work together more effectively to create services conducive to clients from both programmes.
BackgroundAlthough the World Health Organization had recommended that every child be vaccinated for Hepatitis B by the early 1980s, large multinational pharmaceutical companies held monopolies on the recombinant Hepatitis B vaccine. At a price as high as USD$23 a dose, most Indians families could not afford vaccination. Shantha Biotechnics, a pioneering Indian biotechnology company founded in 1993, saw an unmet need domestically, and developed novel processes for manufacturing Hepatitis B vaccine to reduce prices to less than $1/dose. Further expansion enabled low-cost mass vaccination globally through organizations such as UNICEF. In 2009, Shantha sold over 120 million doses of vaccines. The company was recently acquired by Sanofi-Aventis at a valuation of USD$784 million.MethodsThe case study and grounded research method was used to illustrate how the globalization of healthcare R&D is enabling private sector companies such as Shantha to address access to essential medicines. Sources including interviews, literature analysis, and on-site observations were combined to conduct a robust examination of Shantha's evolution as a major provider of vaccines for global health indications.ResultsShantha's ability to become a significant global vaccine manufacturer and achieve international valuation and market success appears to have been made possible by focusing first on the local health needs of India. How Shantha achieved this balance can be understood in terms of a framework of four guiding principles. First, Shantha identified a therapeutic area (Hepatitis B) in which cost efficiencies could be achieved for reaching the poor. Second, Shantha persistently sought investments and partnerships from non-traditional and international sources including the Foreign Ministry of Oman and Pfizer. Third, Shantha focused on innovation and quality - investing in innovation from the outset yielded the crucial process innovation that allowed Shantha to make an affordable vaccine. Fourth, Shantha constructed its own cGMP facility, which established credibility for vaccine prequalification by the World Health Organization and generated interest from large pharmaceutical companies in its contract research services. These two sources of revenue allowed Shantha to continue to invest in health innovation relevant to the developing world.ConclusionsThe Shantha case study underscores the important role the private sector can play in global health and access to medicines. Home-grown companies in the developing world are becoming a source of low-cost, locally relevant healthcare R&D for therapeutics such as vaccines. Such companies may be compelled by market forces to focus on products relevant to diseases endemic in their country. Sanofi-Aventis' acquisition of Shantha reveals that even large pharmaceutical companies based in the developed world have recognized the importance of meeting the health needs of the developing world. Collectively, these processes suggest an ability to tap into private sector investments for global health innovat...
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