The paper considers the method, based on multifractal (MF) analysis, for classifying the shape of tissue cells from microscopis images, identifying the primary cancer in cases of metastasis bone disease. Diagnosis of primary cancer is of great importance, because further treatment depends on how successful and accurate that diagnosis is. This method can be applied as an additional and objective tool in primary cancer diagnosis, as well as in decreasing of the subjective factor and error probability. The method is tested over a large number (1050) of clinical cases from the Institute of Pathology, University of Belgrade. The results of computer-aided analysis of images have been presented and discussed.
Fractal analysis was performed for the first time on routinely produced archived pan-tissue stained primary breast tumor sections, indicating its potential for clinical use as a simple and cost-effective prognostic indicator of distant metastasis risk to complement the molecular approaches for cancer risk prognosis.
This paper explores the most salient features of the reshaping of the state -territorynation triangle in Serbia over the last 20 years, through the lenses of citizenship regime. It looks at the ways in which the dominant political narrative in Serbia has imagined political community and accordingly managed its members. During the period of violent Yugoslav break-up and Milošević's rule, the Serbian citizenship regime was surprisingly 'civic', while post-2000 liberalisation has introduced ethnic elements which are likely to be further strengthened. This apparent contradiction can be explained by the specific goals of Serbian political elites to maintain control over population and territory in changing political circumstances. I will argue that the legacy of different attempts at defining the relation between the Serbian state and the Serb people, coupled with the wider context of Yugoslav conflicts and post-conflict developments in the region, led to an unconsolidated citizenship regime in Serbia with varying and contested conceptions about how to achieve congruence of state, territory and nation.
This paper provides a comparative analysis of social movements' characteristics and capacities to struggle against illiberal tendencies and incite political change in Serbia and North Macedonia. First, we discuss the illiberal elements of political regimes in the countries in question, Serbia and North Macedonia. Then, we provide a comprehensive overview of progressive social movements in the two countries, formed and organized as a response to different authoritarian and non-democratic tendencies. Finally, we point to some differences in their organizing, coalition-forging and issue-defining principles, which, we believe, may help to explain the relative success of social movements in North Macedonia in producing relevant political outcomes, compared to the weak political impact of social movements in Serbia. Empirical data were collected during the summer of 2018 through in-depth interviews with members of social movements in North Macedonia and Serbia.
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