Although child sexual abuse has been a concern for many researchers, therapists, and advocates for the past 3 decades, several fundamental issues regarding child sexual abuse remain unresolved. In particular, the term child sexual abuse has never been unequivocally defined. The lack of a commonly accepted definition of child sexual abuse continues to inhibit research, treatment, and advocacy efforts. Early researchers used broad and inclusive definitions of child sexual abuse--definitions that often continue to be used today. The consequences of these definitions are discussed, and strategies for developing other definitions of child sexual abuse are suggested.
Social science research has recently begun to focus on stalking and other forms of intrusive contact occurring among adolescents and young adults. This article presents results from a survey of 681 undergraduates about their experiences with stalking or other forms of intrusive contact occurring after the end of a dating or romantic relationship. Twenty percent of the respondents had been the target of intrusive contact, 8% had initiated intrusive contact, and 1% had been the target of intrusive contact after one relationship and had initiated intrusive contact after another. More females than males were the target of intrusive contact; however, there were no sex differences associated with initiating intrusive contact. About 20% of the respondents had feared for their safety during the intrusive contact. Thirty-one percent of the respondents described the intrusive contact as having a decidedly negative influence on either their subsequent dating relationships or their lives in general.
Programs to prevent child sexual abuse have proliferated as a result of increased public awareness and professional documentation of its incidence. We describe the content and format of these prevention programs in general and examine selected programs for effectiveness. Although there is limited evidence for an increase in knowledge for program participants, most evaluations suffer from basic design problems and present few results indicative of either primary prevention or detection. Overall, we argue that self-protection against sexual abuse is a very complex process for any child and that few, if any, prevention programs are comprehensive enough to have a meaningful impact on this process. Finally, we discuss several untested assumptions that guide these programs. We conclude that it is unclear whether prevention programs are working or even that they are more beneficial than harmful.
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