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Why did cycling become professional as early as the late nineteenth century, while other sports (such as rugby) and other sport events (such as the Olympic Games) remained amateur until the 1980s? Why are the organizers of the most important bicycle races private companies, while in other sports such as soccer the main event organizer is a nonprofit organization? To what extent have bicycle races changed since the late nineteenth century? And how does cycling reflect long-term economic changes? The history of professional road cycling helps answer these questions and understand many related phenomena. This chapter provides a long-term, historical perspective on (1) professional road cycling's economic agents, i.e., the public, race organizers, team sponsors and riders, and the relationships amongst them; (2) cycling's governing body, the International Cycling Union; and (3) professional cycling's final product, i.e., the show of bicycle races. More precisely , the chapter mostly focuses on the history of male professional road cycling in Western Europe since the late nineteenth century. It is founded on both an analysis of quantitative time series on the Grand Tours (and, to some extent, the classics) and a review of the existing literature on the history of professional cycling, whether economic history, institutional history, cultural history, or sport history.
Why is there strategy, not just brute force, in cycling competitions? What are the recurring strategic interactions amongst riders? And what can economists learn from riders' behaviors? Cycling may be one of the most strategically interesting sports, hence its nickname 'chess on wheels'. Professional riders' performances crucially depend on their interactions with other riders, which may not be the case in some athletics, swimming, or skiing events.Most interactions between riders are not pure confrontation, zero-sum games, as is the case in boxing, fencing, martial arts, or tennis. In cycling, two rival riders may lawfully ally against some third rider, while such three-player interactions do not exist in football, basketball, or soccer. And cycling being an individual sport run amongst teams, it opens up opportunities of strategic behavior both within and between teams. This chapter provides an overview on the main reasons why bicycle races are strategic, and it then presents several game theory analyses of strategic interactions between riders: attack timing strategy, cooperation and noncooperation in breakaways and in the peloton, sprint strategy and three-player interactions.It is founded on examples of strategic interactions between riders that occurred in the Tour de France, the Giro d'Italia, the Vuelta a España, and other races.
International audienceWarum sind die Männer durchschnittlich und praktisch in allen bekannten Gesellschaften älter als ihre Ehefrauen ? Und wie – und warum – variiert der durchschnittliche Altersunterschied zwischen Ehepartnern mit der sozioökonomischen Entwicklung (so wie im Laufe der Zeit als auch zwischen den Gesellschaften) und, innerhalb der Ehepartnern, mit dem Alter der Männer und der Frauen bei Eheschluss, sowie mit der sozialen Stellung der Männer. Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage schlagen wir ein Übersicht der internationalen empirischen Literatur zu diesem Thema vor, sowie ein Erklärungsmodell, das aussagt, welche die « richtigen Gründe » wären, mit denen die Individuen bereit wären, Ehepartner zu werden, mit einem Altersunterschied zugunsten des Ehemanns. Ein empirisches Test dieses Erklärungsmodells, das auf in Frankreich geschlossene Ehen zwischen 1978 und 1998 zurückgreift, scheint auszusagen, daß dieses Modell recht aussagekräftig ist, selbst wenn es als solches nicht die Umkehrung des sozialen Gradienten im Altersunterschied zwischen Ehepartnern in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts erklärt, da diese Umkehrung wahrscheinlich auf die Verlängerung der Schulzeit der Männer zurückzuführen ist.Why is that in almost all known societies, men are on average older than their female intimate partner ? And how – and why – is it that the average age gap between spouses or intimate partners varies by degree of socio-economic development (over time as well as among societies) and, among couples, by age at which the two people became a couple, as well as man’s social position ? The international empirical literature on the question is reviewed, and the explanatory model indicating that individuals may well have « good reasons » for forming couples in which the man is older than the woman is examined. An empirical test of this model bearing on couples formed in France between 1978 and 1998 suggests that the model’s explanatory power is good, though in itself it does not explain the reversed social gradient of the age gap that occurred in the second half of the twentieth century, a phenomenon probably due to the prolonging of men’s education.¿ Por qué razón en casi todas las sociedades humanas conocidas, en promedio son los hombres quienes tienen mayor edad que sus cónyuges ? ¿ Y cómo – y por qué – la media de edad en las parejas varía según el desarrollo socio-económico (en el transcurso de los años como en las sociedades) y entre parejas con las edades de los hombres y de las mujeres al formar la pareja, así como con la posición social de los hombres ? Para conocerlo nos proponemos realizar una re-lectura de la literatura empírica internacional sobre el tema, y de un modelo explicativo indicándonos cuales serían las « buenas razones » que podrían tener los individuos para formar parejas implicando una diferencia de edad que les aventajen. Un test empírico de ese modelo explicativo efectuado a parejas constituidas en Francia entre 1978 y 1998, sugiere que ese modelo domina en su explicación, incluso si, por su...
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