Objective To understand how elderly patients think about and approach future illness and the end of life. Design Qualitative study conducted 1997-9. Setting Physician housecall programme affiliated to US university. Participants 20 chronically ill housebound patients aged over 75 years who could participate in an interview. Participants identified through purposive and random sampling. Main outcome measures In-depth semistructured interviews lasting one to two hours. Results Sixteen people said that they did not think about the future or did not in general plan for the future. Nineteen were particularly reluctant to think about, discuss, or plan for serious future illness. Instead they described a "one day at a time," "what is to be will be" approach to life, preferring to "cross that bridge" when they got to it. Participants considered end of life matters to be in the hands of God, though 13 participants had made wills and 19 had funeral plans. Although some had completed advance directives, these were not well understood and were intended for use only when death was near and certain. Conclusions The elderly people interviewed for this study were resistant to planning in advance for the hypothetical future, particularly for serious illness when death is possible but not certain.

Research on identity suggests that a critical factor in identity concerns presentation or the behaviors actors perform in order to convince others of their identity. Yet identity also involves the attributions others make on the basis of these behaviors. In this paper, I argue that all acts do not fare equally in the process of attribution. Rather, individuals making attributions engage in a process of mental weighing as a way to determine which acts "count" toward identity and to what extent. While various components of the act contribute to its social weight-its presence or absence, markedness, frequency, context, and the manner in which it is performed-the lens through which the attributer views the act also influences the weighing process.

Despite the increase in recent decades in research on men's violence against women, few studies focus exclusively on men's verbal accounts of this violence. In this article, the author compares men's accounts offered to her as a researcher with those accounts reportedly given to female partners. Although the author expects men to attempt to excuse their violence when accounting to her as a researcher, men make overwhelming use of justifications. Somewhat as expected, they say they apologize to their partners following a violent incident, but surprisingly, they also refuse to account to their partners at times. A deeper look into these contradictory accounts reveals the creative ways men use verbal strategies as redress for various forms of masculinity they feel have been taken from them by their partners and/or agencies of the state and how hegemonic masculinity enables them to use certain accounts in the first place.

While the fields of the sociology of time and the sociology of emotion have grown exponentially, missing from the literature is explicit theorizing on the intersections of emotion and time. In this review article, we begin by examining literature that explores both how time (e.g. temporal control, perceived amount) inf luences emotional responses and how emotions (e.g. emotional intensity, valence) impact perceptions of time. Although such research occurs in a variety of disciplines, much of it fails to look at individuals' active manipulation of time and emotion to produce desired experiences. After discussing the established concepts of emotion work (Hochschild 1979) and time work (Flaherty 2003), we illustrate how two newer concepts -"temporal emotion work" (Lois 2010, 2012) and "emoting time" (Mullaney and Shope 2012) -serve as starting points for thinking about how individuals actively use time in emotion work and emotions in time work. Although much of the thinking to date occurs within the scholarly literature on work and family, we call for more intentional and systematic theorizing about the relationship between time and emotion.As academic subfields, both the sociology of time and the sociology of emotion have grown immensely in recent decades. In exploring the social foundations, negotiations, and consequences of both time and emotion, researchers have cast a wide net, studying the objective and subjective features of these phenomena across a vast number of contexts: identity and the self, interpersonal relationships, occupational settings, family life, education, illness, and a variety of institutions.Despite the insight that has come out of these two subfields, there is little explicit sociological theorizing about the intersections of time and emotion. Perhaps the connection between time and emotion seems obvious, even banal, given the centrality of time and emotion to human experience and the lengths to which individuals "work" to manage both time and emotion. Still, this omission in the literature remains curious since research in sociology and other disciplines hints at the temporal aspects of emotion and the emotional elements of time. For example, efforts to create a particular temporal experience or manage strain through time work are, at their core, attempts to control how time feels (van den Scott 2014, p. 486), implicating emotions in the sociology of time. Likewise, in the literature on emotions, emotion work and emotional labor are largely about time, timing, and temporal context. While the fields of the sociology of emotion and the sociology of time need not overlap, we argue that more explicit attention to the uses of time and emotion in relation to one another offers important insights into the intersections of these fields by showing how individuals actively employ time in "emotion work" (Hochschild 1979) and emotion in "time work" (Flaherty 2003).We begin this article by documenting some of the disparate academic fields where research on the connections between time and emotion is oc...

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Drawing on interviews, this article examines how the third wave of the straight edge (sXe) hardcore music scene can promote a gender-progressive image in light of evidence that suggests men's continued advantage over women in the scene. The author argues that this discrepancy can be explained by straight edgers' use of going rate comparisons (to its previous waves, to other times and places, and to gender relations as a whole) that highlight the scene's “doings” and “not-doings” in ways that portray sXe favorably. By insisting that gender is no longer relevant, straight edgers (sXers) then set up a going rate of authenticity that is purportedly attainable by men and women. This going rate, however, ultimately reinstates gender boundaries sXers claim to erase. The author concludes the article by discussing the larger implications of doings and not-doings in going rate constructions and the performance of gender.

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