A fall in plasma IRI despite constant C-peptide levels during prolonged insulin euglycemic clamp studies using the Biostator (Ames Division, Miles Laboratories, Elkhart, Indiana) prompted a meticulous evaluation of the Biostator's insulin delivery system. At slow infusion rates, a striking loss of immunoreactive and biologically active insulin was observed after 6 h of the Biostator run. Studies with labeled insulin indicated that the loss of insulin was not due to adsorption of insulin to the tubing since recovery of labeled insulin was close to 100%. A variety of techniques (gel filtration, polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis, centrifugation, and Coomassie Brilliant Blue protein assay) indicated that the loss of insulin activity was due to insulin coming out of solution. The insoluble nature of the immunologically and biologically inactive insulin was confirmed by centrifugation, i.e., 88% 125I-insulin precipitated into the pellet. The dependency of this loss of insulin activity on flow rate was clearly demonstrable with activity (IRI) less than 20% of expected at flow rates of 2.1 ml/h, and 30% at 4.2 ml/h. Full recovery was observed only with flow rates of 16.8 ml/h or greater. At each flow rate, IRI rose only after delivery of the effluent between the pump and exit port, demonstrating that insulin alteration occurs within the pump assembly presumably from heat-induced aggregation. Investigators employing the Biostator should carefully examine their systems for this time- and flow rate-dependent alteration of insulin. The loss of IRI at low flow rates (low-dose insulin clamp or insulin delivery during basal periods) will profoundly influence data generated from the Biostator.
The major concepts of nationalist political thought in Tanzania formed at the meeting point between local and international understandings of exploitation, and prescriptions for its removal. These ideas were given social form through a politics of enmity concerned with defining enemies of the nation and creating corresponding purge categories. Acquiring urban citizenship in Tanzania required the demonstrated commitment to fight exploitation for a party and state hostile to urban growth. While such ideas formed the boundaries of legitimate political debate, Africans struggling to lay claim to urban life appropriated nationalist idioms to lampoon official pieties and make sense of class differentiation in a socialist country.
On 17 December 1961, Ronald Ngala faced an audience of some five hundred supporters in Malindi, a town on the East African coast of the Indian Ocean. The crowd had come to watch Ngala lower the flag that symbolized colonial rule along the coast. This was not the Union flag of Great Britain, but the red flag of the Sultan of Zanzibar. It flew over a number of towns located along the ten-mile coastal strip “Protectorate” of what was then Kenya Colony and Protectorate. The flag symbolized this latter legal distinction, representing the sovereignty that the Sultan of Zanzibar retained over the coastal strip of Kenya after leasing its administration to Britain in a treaty signed in 1895. The flag's lowering was an act of political theatre—Ngala's supporters had hastily arranged the flag and flagpole, while the Sultan's real flag flew over the Malindi courts office nearby. The crowd celebrated its lowering with loud and wild cheers. Anxious onlookers later complained that Ngala had performed an act of treason. In Zanzibar, tense with the specter of racial violence, local press expressed outrage at this insult to the Sultan.
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