Le but de cet article est de permettre une compréhension plus précise des origines de l'idéologie girondine à partir d'une analyse des écrits de deux personnages qui furent les premiers à formuler les idées politiques définissant celle-ci dans les années 1790 : Jacques-Pierre Brissot et Etienne Clavière. Cet article veut montrer que les idées girondines ne peuvent être comprises qu'avec en toile de fond la révolution de Genève de 1782, tandis que l'essai ultérieur de faire de la France une république moderne, plutôt qu'une monarchie civilisée défendue par Turgot ou une république radicale jacobine, ne peut être étudié qu'à la lumière de l'échec de cette révolution.
Carnival turns the world upside down to reveal its structure and jokes focus on the stress points in those structures. 1 Eighteenth-century Montpellier, as one of the oldest universities in Europe, had long traditions of student carnival and jokes that could be turned to satirical effect. One of the stock figures of the medical student tradition was the dim surgery student, forever misunderstanding what was going on around him. The published botany lecture notes of a fictional surgeon, Des Esquilles, were a charivari directed at the teaching of botany in the university in 1763. 2 Des Esquilles, in truth the demonstrators Gouan and Cusson, was the straight man who revealed that the professor, Imbert, was the scientific puppet of his employee, the gardener Banal. The joke was that the surgeon was too stupid to tell practical knowledge from science anyway:
The French Revolution has ceased to be the paradigm case of progressive social revolution. Historians increasingly argue that the heart of the revolutionary experience was the Terror and that the Terror prefigured 20th-century totalitarianism. This article contests that view and argues that totalitarianism is too blunt a category to distinguish between varying experiences of revolution and further questions if revolutionary outcomes are ideologically determined. It argues that by widening the set of revolutions to include 17th and 18th century cases, as well as the velvet revolutions of the 1990s, we can reinterpret the French Revolution as a characteristic case of democratic transition with particular features.
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