Burkitt lymphoma (BL) and diffuse large B-cell lymphoma (DLBCL) account for nearly all pediatric nonlymphoblastic B-cell lymphomas. Because clinical behavior, prognosis, and response to therapy might differ, diagnostic accuracy is important. Morphologic examination often is sufficient, but occasionally, diagnostic ancillary studies are required. In adults, immunophenotyping is useful; however, pediatric data are limited. We characterized the immunohistochemical expression of 6 proteins (c-myc, CD10, bcl-6, bcl-2, CD138, and MIB-1) in pediatric BL (33 cases) and DLBCL (20 cases) with classic morphologic features. Significant differences in c-myc (BL, 30/33 [91%] vs DLBCL, 5/20 [25%]; P < .0001), bcl-2 (BL, 1/25 [4%] vs DLBCL, 7/19 [37%]; P < .02), and mean MIB-1 (BL, 99% vs DLBCL, 56%; P < .0001) expression were observed. There were no significant differences for CD10 (100% expression in BL and DLBCL), bcl-6 (BL, 23/33 [70%] vs DLBCL, 15/20 [75%]), or CD138 (no expression). Thus, pediatric BL and DLBCL have distinctive immunohistochemical profiles, and staining for c-myc, MIB-1, and bcl-2 might be useful in morphologically difficult cases.

Over the past two decades, a growing number of ‘outsider parties’ have entered governing centre-left and centre-right coalitions across Western Europe. In this introduction, we first define outsider parties as those which — even when their vote-share would have enabled it — have gone through a period of not being ‘coalitionable’, whether of their own volition or that of other parties in the system. Based on the articles in this issue, we then discuss the problems which outsider parties encounter when entering government and suggest some reasons for the success and failure of these parties in office. Finally, we propose a number of avenues for further research, in particular that of examining differences between the first and subsequent experiences of office for such parties.

To draw some conclusions about the implications of parties' engagement with the new information and communications technologies (ICTs) for the quality of democracy, this article explores the way in which Italian parties are exploiting the World Wide Web for campaigning and related functions. Italy has been chosen because it is a liberal democracy and yet has party-system and other characteristics in terms of which it differs from other democracies that have been used to explore the political implications of use of the new ICTs. Adding an Italian case study to the existing work consequently allows us to move closer to an understanding of the conditions under which the new ICTs will have an impact. Defining the quality of democracy in terms of the degree to which parties and individual citizens are afforded equality of influence in political decision making, this research points in the direction of a muted impact because of a tendency of the parties to use the new medium to carry out existing campaign tasks more efficiently and effectively rather than seek to use it in innovative ways. However, this same tendency may improve the quality of democracy in another sense, namely, by reinvigorating and strengthening the party organizations that are central to the representative process in the first place.

Since 1994, Italian politics has seen a number of coalitions including parties whose identity has been strongly based on their ‘outsider’ status as uncompromising opposition movements which would not previously consider government participation. This article examines the contrasting experiences in office of two such parties: the regionalist populist Lega Nord (LN) and the radical left Rifondazione Comunista (RC). While the Lega confounded expectations not only simply by remaining in the centre-right coalition from 2001 to 2006, but by influencing policy, increasing its vote-share and maintaining its ‘outsider’ identity, RC was unable to match its fellow outsider’s success when it served in the centre-left government from 2006 to 2008. Looking at the experiences in office of the RC and the LN in terms of the three temporal divisions ‘before’, ‘during’ and ‘after’, this article seeks to analyse and explain the differing experiences and effects of government on both parties.

Background: Cognitive Muscular TherapyTM (CMT) is an integrated behavioural intervention developed for knee osteoarthritis. CMT teaches patients to reconceptualise the condition, integrates muscle biofeedback and aims to reduce muscle overactivity, both in response to pain and during daily activities. This nested qualitative study explored patient and physiotherapist perspectives and experiences of CMT.Methods: Five physiotherapists were trained to follow a well-defined protocol and then delivered CMT to at least two patients with knee osteoarthritis. Each patient received seven individual clinical sessions and was provided with access to online learning materials incorporating animated videos. Semi-structured interviews took place after delivery/completion of the intervention and data were analysed at the patient and physiotherapist level.Results: Five physiotherapists and five patients were interviewed. All described a process of changing beliefs throughout their engagement with CMT. A framework with three phases was developed to organise the data according to how osteoarthritis was conceptualised and how this changed throughout their interactions with CMT. Firstly, was an identification of pain beliefs to be challenged and recognition of how current beliefs can misalign with daily experiences. Secondly was a process of challenging and changing beliefs, validated through new experiences. Finally, there was an embedding of changed beliefs into self-management to continue with activities. Conclusion:This study identified a range of psychological changes which occur during exposure to CMT. These changes enabled patients to reconceptualise their condition, develop a new understanding of their body, understand psychological processes, and make sense of their knee pain.