This article suggests that a strong case can be made for dating the beginning of papyrology to 1752, the year in which papyri were first discovered at Herculaneum. Nevertheless, perhaps because papyrology came to be associated with Egypt and related documents, not Italy and philosophical texts, papyrologists came to identify 1788 as marking the beginning of their discipline. In that year Danish classicist Niels Iversen Schow published a Greek papyrus that recorded a series of receipts for work performed in 193 ce on the irrigation dikes in the Fayyum district of Egypt. The credit for the first modern edition of an integrated series of papyri goes to Amedeo Angelo Maria Peyron. An enormous boost to papyrology is owed to the discoveries of Bernard P. Grenfell and Arthur S. Hunt. The rest of this article considers papyrus cartels and international organizations.
Excerpt More information 6 See, for example, the eighth-century ad trilingual tax document discussed by Sijpesteijn and Clackson (2009), and 3.4 below. 7 On the Chinese documents, see inter alia Hansen (1995). 8 For a comprehensive survey of the field, see Bagnall (2009).
L. argues that the Odyssey is informed by an overarching narrative pattern, awareness of which can enhance our appreciation of the text. In Chapter I the pattern itself is introduced: Odysseus arrives on an island where he is faced with a powerful female µgure and a band of aggressive young men. While Odysseus wins over the female character, the young men are killed with divine approval (p. 2). The sequence recurs three times, on Scheria, Aiaia, and Ithaca. Chapters II-V develop some implications this may have for our reading of the epic, focusing µrst on two pairs of characters-Elpenor-Leiodes (Chapter II) and Alcinous-Eumaeus (Chapter III)before moving on to a discussion of divine punishment in the Odyssey and its apocalyptic overtones (Chapter IV). Finally, L. contrasts Circe, whom he sees as standing within the larger pattern, with Calypso, whom he locates outside it (Chapter V). Much of L.'s argument has been published already (cf. Chapter I = GRBS 34 [1993], 5-33, Chapter III = Phoenix 51 [1997], 95-114, Chapter V = CA 12 [1993], 21-38), and even where he promises to break new ground he is not always as original as he claims to be (e.g. Chapter IV, where Au ¶arth's recent work on parallels between Middle Eastern apocalypse and the Odyssey is not acknowledged). His overall approach is useful, and in Chapters II-V he manages to contribute some valuable readings (e.g. pp. 69-94 on πµ0 ψ). However, L.'s results are increasingly undermined by poorly contextualized comparisons with biblical material (e.g. pp. 109, 121). The sacred text of Jews and Christians gives way to that of their self-proclaimed successors when by the end of the book L.'s narrative pattern turns out to be 'something of a genetic code' (p. 130). Rhetoric of this kind may appeal to some of L.'s readers; but I suspect that it will not convince everyone.
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